AECL waits for Britain to go nuclear

By Globe and Mail


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Britain's government is expected to give the go-ahead for new nuclear reactors in that country, a move that could boost the fortunes of beleaguered Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd.

Prime Minister Gordon Brown won't name a builder for the reactors when his plans are outlined in Parliament, but the government is expected to defy environmentalists in approving a new generation of power stations to replace the country's aging reactors.

AECL's Candu reactor is already on the short list of technologies being considered for the new construction, so a thumb's up from Britain could potentially lead to a huge contract for the Canadian nuclear agency.

"There's a lot of speculation that they will support a new build (of nuclear plants)," said Jerry Hopwood, vice-president of reactor development at AECL.

At the same time, he said, the government "may announce a process of selecting the technologies that go forward into the next stage of pre-licensing." In other words, it could outline how the short list of suppliers will be cut down to an even smaller group.

Last July, AECL's next generation ACR-1000 nuclear reactor was chosen as one of four technologies that will be considered for Britain's expansion. The country's nuclear regulatory agency also said reactor technologies from General Electric Co., Westinghouse Electric Co. LLC and Areva Group would qualify.

If everything moves forward in a timely manner, the final selection of a builder could be made in a couple of years, with a contract signed some time after 2010, and the reactors up and running by 2017 or 2018.

AECL is hoping its European experience - it recently commissioned a new Candu nuclear plant in Romania - and its reputation for delivering projects on time and on budget, will give it a leg up on its competition, Mr. Hopwood said.

But AECL wouldn't handle a British project on its own. It would likely work in a consortium that includes engineering firm SNC-Lavalin Group Inc., manufacturer GE-Hitachi Global Nuclear Canada Ltd., and component builder Babcock & Wilcox Canada.

This "Team Candu" is the same group that is bidding to build new nuclear reactors in Ontario. The consortium would also include local suppliers in Britain. Last summer, AECL told unions there that more than 70 per cent of the manufacturing for new Candu reactors could take place in that country.

Still, companies that supply the nuclear industry in Canada could expect significant spinoff benefits, were AECL to land a British contract.

"It would obviously be a good thing for the Canadian industry," which is already busy with nuclear refurbishment projects, said Murray Elston, president and chief executive of the Canadian Nuclear Association.

At the same time, the expected vote of confidence from the British government will help the nuclear industry over all, he said. "It just confirms what everybody has been saying recently, (which is) if you want to have a positive impact on the issue of climate change and air pollution, then you're going to have to have nuclear power as part of your mix."

Nuclear critics, however, say the chances of AECL getting the British contract are slim.

Britain was not keen on Candu heavy-water technology in the past and wouldn't likely go for it this time, said Norm Rubin, director of nuclear research at Toronto-based Energy Probe.

In addition, he said, AECL's new ACR-1000 reactor is still unproven, and the company's reputation has been damaged by the recent shut-down of its Chalk River reactor that produces medical isotopes.

On top of all that, the British government has said it wants private utilities to develop any new nuclear plants, and Mr. Rubin said he's not convinced there is any way new nuclear plants can be built without heavy government involvement or subsidies.

Nuclear power just isn't competitive when costs and financial risks are taken into account, he said.

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Why California's Climate Policies Are Causing Electricity Blackouts

California Rolling Blackouts expose grid reliability risks amid a heatwave, as CAISO curtails power while solar output fades at sunset, wind stalls, and scarce natural gas and nuclear capacity plus PG&E issues strain imports.

 

Key Points

Grid outages during heatwaves from low reserves, fading solar, weak wind, and limited firm capacity.

✅ Heatwave demand rose as solar output dropped at sunset

✅ Limited imports and gas, nuclear shortfalls cut reserves

✅ Policy, pricing, and maintenance gaps increased outage risk

 

Millions of Californians were denied electrical power and thus air conditioning during a heatwave, raising the risk of heatstroke and death, particularly among the elderly and sick. 

The blackouts come at a time when people, particularly the elderly, are forced to remain indoors due to Covid-19, and as later heat waves would test the grid again statewide.

At first, the state’s electrical grid operator last night asked customers to voluntarily reduce electricity use. But after lapses in power supply pushed reserves to dangerous levels it declared a “Stage 3 emergency” cutting off power to people across the state at 6:30 pm.

The immediate reason for the black-outs was the failure of a 500-megawatt power plant and an out-of-service 750-megawatt unit not being available. “There is nothing nefarious going on here,” said a spokeswoman for California Independent System Operator (CAISO). “We are just trying to run the grid.”

But the underlying reasons that California is experiencing rolling black-outs for the second time in less than a year stem from the state’s climate policies, which California policymakers have justified as necessary to prevent deaths from heatwaves, and which it is increasingly exporting to Western states as a model.

In October, Pacific Gas and Electric cut off power to homes across California to avoid starting forest fires after reports that its power lines may have started fires in recent seasons. The utility and California’s leaders had over the previous decade diverted billions meant for grid maintenance to renewables. 

And yesterday, California had to impose rolling blackouts because it had failed to maintain sufficient reliable power from natural gas and nuclear plants, or pay in advance for enough guaranteed electricity imports from other states.

It may be that California’s utilities and their regulator, the California Public Utilities Commission, which is also controlled by Gov. Newsom, didn’t want to spend the extra money to guarantee the additional electricity out of fears of raising California’s electricity prices even more than they had already raised them.

California saw its electricity prices rise six times more than the rest of the United States from 2011 to 2019, helping explain why electricity prices are soaring across the state, due to its huge expansion of renewables. Republicans in the U.S. Congress point to that massive increase to challenge justifications by Democrats to spend $2 trillion on renewables in the name of climate change.

Even though the cost of solar panels declined dramatically between 2011 and 2019, their unreliable and weather-dependent nature meant that they imposed large new costs in the form of storage and transmission to keep electricity as reliable. California’s solar panels and farms were all turning off as the blackouts began, with no help available from the states to the East already in nightfall.

Electricity from solar goes away at the very moment when the demand for electricity rises. “The peak demand was steady in late hours,” said the spokesperson for CAISO, which is controlled by Gov. Gavin Newsom, “and we had thousands of megawatts of solar reducing their output as the sunset.”

The two blackouts in less than a year are strong evidence that the tens of billions that Californians have spent on renewables come with high human, economic, and environmental costs.

Last December, a report by done for PG&E concluded that the utility’s customers could see blackouts double over the next 15 years and quadruple over the next 30.

California’s anti-nuclear policies also contributed to the blackouts. In 2013, Gov. Jerry Brown forced a nuclear power plant, San Onofre, in southern California to close.

Had San Onofre still been operating, there almost certainly would not have been blackouts on Friday as the reserve margin would have been significantly larger. The capacity of San Onofre was double that of the lost generation capacity that triggered the blackout.

California's current and former large nuclear plants are located on the coast, which allows for their electricity to travel shorter distances, and through less-constrained transmission lines than the state’s industrial solar farms, to get to the coastal cities where electricity is in highest demand.

There has been very little electricity from wind during the summer heatwave in California and the broader western U.S., further driving up demand. In fact, the same weather pattern, a stable high-pressure bubble, is the cause of heatwaves, since it brought very low wind for days on end along with very high temperatures.

Things won’t be any better, and may be worse, in the winter, with a looming shortage as it produces far less solar electricity than the summer. Solar plus storage, an expensive attempt to fix problems like what led to this blackout, cannot help through long winters of low output.

California’s electricity prices will continue to rise if it continues to add more renewables to its grid, and goes forward with plans to shut down its last nuclear plant, Diablo Canyon, in 2025.

Had California spent an estimated $100 billion on nuclear instead of on wind and solar, it would have had enough energy to replace all fossil fuels in its in-state electricity mix.

To manage the increasingly unreliable grid, California will either need to keep its nuclear plant operating, build more natural gas plants, underscoring its reliance on fossil fuels for reliability, or pay ever more money annually to reserve emergency electricity supplies from its neighbors.

After the blackouts last October, Gov. Newsom attacked PG&E Corp. for “greed and mismanagement” and named a top aide, Ana Matosantos, to be his “energy czar.” 

“This is not the new normal, and this does not take 10 years to solve,” Newsom said. “The entire system needs to be reimagined.”

 

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British Columbia Accelerates Clean Energy Shift

BC Hydro Grid Modernization accelerates clean energy and electrification, upgrading transmission lines, substations, and hydro dams to deliver renewable power for EVs and heat pumps, strengthen grid reliability, and enable industrial decarbonization in British Columbia.

 

Key Points

A $36B, 10-year plan to expand and upgrade B.C.'s clean grid for electrification, reliability, and industrial growth.

✅ $36B for lines, substations, and hydro dam upgrades

✅ Enables EV charging, heat pumps, and smart demand response

✅ Prioritizes industrial electrification and Indigenous partnerships

 

In a significant move towards a clean energy transition, British Columbia has announced a substantial $36-billion investment to enlarge and upgrade its electricity grid over the next ten years. The announcement last Tuesday from BC Hydro indicates a substantial 50 percent increase from its prior capital plan. A major portion of this investment is directed towards new consumer connections and improving current infrastructure, including substations, transmission lines, and hydro dams for more efficient power generation.

The catalyst behind this major investment is the escalating demand for clean energy across residential, commercial, and industrial sectors in British Columbia. Projections show a 15 percent rise in electricity demand by 2030. According to the Canadian Climate Institute's models, achieving Canada’s climate goals will require extensive electrification across various sectors, raising questions about a net-zero grid by 2050 nationwide.

BC Hydro is planning substantial upgrades to the electrical grid to meet the needs of a growing population, decreasing industry carbon emissions, and the shift towards clean technology. This is vital, especially as the province works towards improving housing affordability and as households face escalating costs from the impacts of climate change and increasing exposure to harsh weather events. Affordable, reliable power and access to clean technologies such as electric vehicles and heat pumps are becoming increasingly important for households.

British Columbia is witnessing a significant shift from fossil fuels to clean electricity in powering homes, vehicles, and workplaces. Electric vehicle usage in B.C. has increased twentyfold in the past six years. Last year, one in every five new light-duty passenger vehicles sold in B.C. was electric – the highest rate in Canada. Additionally, over 200,000 B.C. homes are now equipped with heat pumps, indicating a growing preference for the province’s 98 percent renewable electricity.

The investment also targets reducing industrial emissions and attracting industrial investment. For instance, the demand for transmission along the North Coastline, from Prince George to Terrace, is expected to double this decade, especially from sectors like mining. Mining companies are increasingly looking for locations with access to clean power to reduce their carbon footprint.

This grid enhancement plan in B.C. is reflective of similar initiatives in provinces like Quebec and the legacy of Manitoba hydro history in building provincial systems. Hydro-Québec announced a substantial $155 to $185 billion investment in its 2035 Action Plan last year, aimed at supporting decarbonization and economic growth. By 2050, Hydro-Québec predicts a doubling of electricity demand in the province.

Both utilities’ strategies focus on constructing new facilities and enhancing existing assets, like upgrading dams and transmission lines. Hydro-Québec, for instance, includes energy efficiency goals in its plan to double customer savings and potentially save over 3,500 megawatts of power.

However, with this level of investment, provinces need to engage in dialogue about priorities and the optimal use of clean electricity resources, with concepts like macrogrids offering potential benefits. Quebec, for instance, has shifted from a first-come, first-served basis to a strategic review process for significant new industrial power requests.

B.C. is also moving towards strategic prioritization in its energy strategy, evident in its recent moratorium on new connections for virtual currency mining due to their high energy consumption.

Indigenous partnership and leadership are also key in this massive grid expansion. B.C.’s forthcoming Call for Power and Quebec’s financial partnerships with Indigenous communities indicate a commitment to collaborative approaches. British Columbia has also allocated $140 million to support Indigenous-led power projects.

Regarding the rest of Canada, electricity planning varies in provinces with deregulated markets like Ontario and Alberta. However, these provinces are adapting too, and the federal government has funded an Atlantic grid study to improve regional planning efforts. Ontario, for example, has provided clear guidance to its system operator, mirroring the ambition in B.C. and Quebec.

Utilities are rapidly working to not only expand and modernize energy grids but also to make them more resilient, affordable, and smarter, as demonstrated by recent California grid upgrades funding announcements across the sector. Hydro-Québec focuses on grid reliability and affordability, while B.C. experiments with smart-grid technologies.

Both Ontario and B.C. have programs encouraging consumers to reduce consumption in real-time, demonstrating the potential of demand-side management. A recent instance in Alberta showed how customer participation could prevent rolling blackouts by reducing demand by 150 megawatts.

This is a crucial time for all Canadian provinces to develop larger, smarter energy grids, including a coordinated western Canadian electricity grid approach for a sustainable future. Utilities are making significant strides towards this goal.
 

 

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A New Electric Boat Club Launches in Seattle

Aurelia Boat Club delivers electric boat membership in Seattle, featuring zero-emission propulsion, quiet cruising, sustainable recreation, and a managed fleet with maintenance, insurance, moorage, and charging handled for members seeking hassle-free, eco-friendly boating.

 

Key Points

Aurelia Boat Club is a Seattle membership offering all-electric boats, with maintenance, insurance, and moorage included.

✅ Unlimited access to an all-electric fleet

✅ Maintenance, insurance, moorage, and charging included

✅ Quiet, zero-emission cruising on Seattle waters

 

Seattle's maritime scene has welcomed a new player: Aurelia Boat Club. Founded by former Pure Watercraft employees, Aurelia is poised to redefine electric boating in the city, where initiatives like Washington State Ferries hybrid-electric upgrade are underway. The club's inception follows the unexpected closure of Pure Watercraft, a Seattle-based startup that aimed to revolutionize the pleasure boating industry before its financial troubles led to its downfall.

From Pure Watercraft to Aurelia Boat Club

Pure Watercraft, established in 2011, garnered attention for its innovative electric propulsion systems designed to replace traditional gas-powered motors in boats, while efforts to build the first commercial electric speedboats also advanced. The company attracted significant investment, including a notable partnership with General Motors in 2021, which acquired a 25% stake in Pure Watercraft. Despite these efforts, Pure Watercraft faced financial difficulties and entered receivership in 2024, leading to the liquidation of its assets. 

Amidst this transition, Danylo Kurgan and Mrugesh Desai saw an opportunity to continue the vision of electric boating. Kurgan, formerly a financial analyst at Pure Watercraft and involved in the company's boat club operations, teamed up with Desai, a technology executive and startup investor. Together, they acquired key assets from Pure Watercraft's receivership, including electric outboard motors, pontoon boats, inflatable crafts, battery systems, spare parts, and digital infrastructure. 

Aurelia Boat Club's Offerings

Aurelia Boat Club aims to provide a sustainable and accessible alternative to traditional gas-powered boat clubs in Seattle. Members can enjoy unlimited access to a fleet of all-electric boats without the responsibilities of ownership. The club's boats are equipped with electric motors, offering a quiet and environmentally friendly boating experience, similar to how electric ships are clearing the air on the B.C. coast. Additionally, Aurelia handles maintenance, repairs, insurance, and moorage, allowing members to focus solely on enjoying their time on the water. 

The Future of Electric Boating in Seattle

Aurelia Boat Club's launch signifies a growing interest in sustainable boating practices in Seattle. The club's founders are committed to scaling the business and expanding their fleet to meet the increasing demand for eco-friendly recreational activities, as projects like battery-electric high-speed ferries indicate. By leveraging the assets and knowledge gained from Pure Watercraft, Aurelia aims to continue the legacy of innovation in the electric boating industry.

As the boating community becomes more environmentally conscious, initiatives like Aurelia Boat Club play a crucial role in promoting sustainable practices, and examples such as Harbour Air's electric aircraft highlight the momentum. The club's success could serve as a model for other cities, demonstrating that with the right vision and resources, the transition to electric boating is not only feasible but also desirable.

While the closure of Pure Watercraft marked the end of one chapter, it also paved the way for new ventures like Aurelia Boat Club to carry forward the mission of transforming the boating industry, with regional moves like the Kootenay Lake electric-ready ferry and international innovations such as Berlin electric flying ferry showing what's possible. With a strong foundation and a clear vision, Aurelia is set to make significant waves in Seattle's electric boating scene.

 

 

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Trump's Pledge to Scrap Offshore Wind Projects

Trump Offshore Wind Pledge signals a push for deregulation over renewable energy, challenging climate policy, green jobs, and coastal development while citing marine ecosystems, navigation, and energy independence amid state-federal permitting and legal hurdles.

 

Key Points

Trump's vow to cancel offshore wind projects favors deregulation and fossil fuels, impacting climate policy and jobs.

✅ Day-one plan to scrap offshore wind leases and permits

✅ Risks to renewable targets, grid mix, and coastal supply chains

✅ Likely court fights and state-federal regulatory conflicts

 

During his tenure as President of the United States, Donald Trump made numerous promises and policy proposals, many of which sparked controversy and debate. One such pledge was his vow to scrap offshore wind projects on "day one" of his presidency. This bold statement, while appealing to certain interests, raised concerns about its potential impact on U.S. offshore wind growth and environmental conservation efforts.

Trump's opposition to offshore wind projects stemmed from various factors, including his skepticism towards renewable energy, even as forecasts point to a $1 trillion offshore wind market in coming years, concerns about aesthetics and property values, and his focus on promoting traditional energy sources like coal and oil. Throughout his presidency, Trump prioritized deregulation and sought to roll back environmental policies introduced by previous administrations, arguing that they stifled economic growth and hindered American energy independence.

The prospect of scrapping offshore wind projects drew mixed reactions from different stakeholders. Supporters of Trump's proposal pointed to potential benefits such as preserving scenic coastal landscapes, protecting marine ecosystems, and addressing concerns about navigational safety and national security. Critics, however, raised valid concerns about the implications of such a decision on the renewable energy sector, including progress toward getting 1 GW on the grid nationwide, climate change mitigation efforts, and job creation in the burgeoning green economy.

Offshore wind energy has emerged as a promising source of clean, renewable power with the potential to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and diversify the energy mix. Countries like Denmark, the United Kingdom, and Germany have made significant investments in offshore wind in Europe, demonstrating its viability as a sustainable energy solution. In the United States, offshore wind projects have gained traction in states like Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey, where coastal conditions are conducive to wind energy generation.

Trump's pledge to scrap offshore wind projects on "day one" of his presidency raised questions about the feasibility and legality of such a move. While the president has authority over certain aspects of energy policy and regulatory oversight, the development of offshore wind projects often involves multiple stakeholders, including state governments, local communities, private developers, and federal agencies, and actions such as Interior's move on Vineyard Wind illustrate federal leverage in permitting. Any attempt to halt or reverse ongoing projects would likely face legal challenges and regulatory hurdles, potentially delaying or derailing implementation.

Moreover, Trump's stance on offshore wind projects reflected broader debates about the future of energy policy, environmental protection, and economic development. While some argued for prioritizing fossil fuel extraction and traditional energy infrastructure, others advocated for a transition towards clean, renewable energy sources, drawing on lessons from the U.K. about wind deployment, to mitigate climate change and promote sustainable development. The Biden administration, which succeeded the Trump presidency, has signaled a shift towards a more climate-conscious agenda, including support for renewable energy initiatives and commitments to rejoin international agreements like the Paris Climate Accord.

In hindsight, Trump's pledge to scrap offshore wind projects on "day one" of his presidency underscores the complexities of energy policy and the importance of balancing competing interests and priorities. While concerns about aesthetics, property values, and environmental impact are valid, addressing the urgent challenge of climate change requires bold action and innovation in the energy sector. Offshore wind energy presents an opportunity, as seen in the country's biggest offshore wind farm approved in New York, to harness the power of nature in a way that is both environmentally responsible and economically beneficial. As the United States navigates its energy future, finding common ground and forging partnerships will be essential to ensure a sustainable and prosperous tomorrow.

 

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South Australia rides renewables boom to become electricity exporter

Australia electricity grid transition is accelerating as renewables, wind, solar, and storage drive decentralised generation, emissions cuts, and NEM trade shifts, with South Australia becoming a net exporter post-Hazelwood closure and rooftop solar surging.

 

Key Points

Australia electricity shift to renewables, distributed generation and storage, cutting emissions, reshaping NEM flows.

✅ South Australia now exports power post-Hazelwood closure

✅ Rooftop solar is the fastest-growing NEM generation source

✅ Gas peaking and storage investments balance variable renewables

 

The politics may not change much, but Australia’s electricity grid is changing before our very eyes – slowly and inevitably becoming more renewable, more decentralised, and in step with Australia's energy transition that is challenging the pre-conceptions of many in the industry.

The latest national emissions audit from The Australia Institute, which includes an update on key electricity trends in the national electricity market, notes some interesting developments over the last three months.

The most surprising of those developments may be the South Australia achievement, which shows that since the closure of the Hazelwood brown coal generator in Victoria in March 2017, and as renewables outpacing brown coal in other markets, South Australia has become a net exporter of electricity, in net annualised terms.

Hugh Saddler, lead author of the study, notes that this is a big change for South Australia, which in 1999 and 2000, when it had only gas and local coal, used to import 30% of its electricity demand.

#google#

The fact that wholesale prices in South Australia were higher in other states – then, as they are now – has nothing to with wind and solar, but the fact that it has no low-cost conventional source and a peaky demand profile (then and now).

“The difference today is that the state is now taking advantage of its abundant resources of wind and solar radiation, and the new technologies which have made them the lowest cost sources of new generation, to supply much of its electricity requirements,” Saddler writes.

Other things to note about the flows between states is that Victoria was about equal on imports and exports with its three neighbouring states, despite the closure of Hazelwood. NSW continues to import around 10% of its needs from cheaper providers in Queensland.

Gas-fired generation had increased in the last year or two in South Australia as a result of the Northern closure, but is still below the levels of a decade ago.

But because it is expensive, this is likely to spur more investment in storage.

As for rooftop solar, Saddler notes that the share of residential solar in the grid is still relatively small but, despite excess solar risks flagged by distributors, it is the most steadily growing generation source in the NEM.

That line is expected to grow steadily. By 2040, or perhaps 2050, the share of distributed generation, which includes rooftop solar, battery storage and demand management, is expected to reach nearly half of all Australia’s grid demand.

Saddler, says, however, that the increase in large-scale solar over the last few months is a significant milestone in Australia’s transition towards clean electricity generation, mirroring trends in India's on-grid solar development seen in recent years. (See very top graph).

“Firstly, they are a concrete demonstration that the construction cost advantage, which wind enjoyed over solar until a year or two ago, is gone.

“From now on we can expect new capacity to be a mix of both technologies. Indeed, the Clean Energy Regulator states that it expects solar to account for half of all (new renewable) capacity by 2020, and the US is moving toward 30% from wind and solar as well.”

 

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West Coast consumers won't benefit if Trump privatizes the electrical grid

BPA Privatization would sell the Bonneville Power Administration's transmission lines, raising FERC-regulated grid rates for ratepayers, impacting hydropower and the California-Oregon Intertie under the Trump 2018 budget proposal in the Pacific Northwest region.

 

Key Points

Selling Bonneville's transmission grid to private owners, raising rates and returns, shifting costs to ratepayers.

✅ Trump 2018 budget targets BPA transmission assets for sale.

✅ Higher capital costs, taxes, and profit would raise transmission rates.

✅ California-Oregon Intertie and hydropower flows face price impacts.

 

President Trump's 2018 budget proposal is so chock-full of noxious elements — replacing food stamps with "food boxes," drastically cutting Medicaid and Medicare, for a start — that it's unsurprising that one of its most misguided pieces has slipped under the radar.

That's the proposal to privatize the government-owned Bonneville Power Administration, which owns about three-quarters of the high-voltage electric transmission lines in a region that includes California, Washington state and Oregon, serving more than 13.5 million customers. By one authoritative estimate, any such sale would drive up the cost of transmission by 26%-44%.

The $5.2-billon price cited by the Trump administration, moreover, is nearly 20% below the actual value of the Bonneville grid — meaning that a private buyer would pocket an immediate windfall of $1.2 billion, at the expense of federal taxpayers and Bonneville customers.

Trump's plan for Portland, Ore.-based Bonneville is part of a larger proposal to sell off other government-owned electricity bodies, including the Colorado-based Western Area Power Administration and the Oklahoma-based Southwestern Power Administration. But Bonneville is by far the largest of the three, accounting for nearly 90% of the total $5.8 billion the budget anticipates collecting from the sales. The proposal is also part of the administration's

Both plans are said to be politically dead-on-arrival in Washington. But they offer a window into the thinking in the Trump White House.

"The word 'muddle' comes to mind," says Robert McCullough, a respected Portland energy consultant, referring to the justification for the privatization sale included in the Trump budget.

The White House suggests that selling the Bonneville grid would result in lower costs. But that narrative, McCullough wrote in a blistering assessment of the proposal, "displays a severe lack of understanding about the process of setting transmission rates."

McCullough's assessment is an update of a similar analysis he performed when the privatization scheme was first raised by the Trump administration last year. In that analysis issued in June, McCullough said the proposal "raises the question of why these valuable assets would be sold at a discount — and who would get the benefit of the discounted price."

The implications of a sale could be dire for Californians. Bonneville is the majority owner of the California-Oregon Intertie, an electrical transmission system that carries power, including Columbia River-generated hydropower and other clean-energy generation in British Columbia that supports the regional exchange, south to California in the summer and excess California generation to the Pacific Northwest in the winter.

But the idea has drawn fire throughout the region. When it was first broached last year, the Public Power Council, an association of utilities in the Northwest, assailed it as an apparent "transfer of value from the people of the Northwest to the U.S. Treasury," drawing parallels to Manitoba Hydro governance issues elsewhere.

The region's political leaders had especially harsh words for the idea this time around. "Oregonians raised hell last year when Trump tried to raise power bills for Pacific Northwesterners by selling off Bonneville Power, and yet his administration is back at it again," Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) said after the idea reappeared. "Our investment shouldn't be put up for sale to free up money for runaway military spending or tax cuts for billionaires." Sen. Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) promised in a statement to work to "stop this bad idea in its tracks."

The notion of privatizing Bonneville predates the Trump administration; it was raised by Bill Clinton and again by George W. Bush, who thought the public would gain if the administration could sell its power at market rates. Both initiatives failed.

The same free-enterprise ideology underlies the Trump proposal. Privatizing the transmission lines "encourages a more efficient allocation of economic resources and mitigates unnecessary risk to taxpayers," the budget asserts. "Ownership of transmission assets is best carried out by the private sector where there are appropriate market and regulatory incentives."

But that's based on a misunderstanding of how transmission rates are set, McCullough says. Transmission is essentially a monopoly enterprise, with rates overseen by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission based on the grid's costs, and with federal scrutiny of public utilities such as the TVA underscoring that oversight. There's very little in the way of market "incentives" involved in transmission, since no one has come forward to build a competing grid.

Those include the owners' cost of capital — which would be much higher for a private owner than a government agency, McCullough observes, as Hydro One investor uncertainty demonstrates in practice. A private owner, unlike the government-owned Bonneville, also would owe federal income taxes, which would be passed on to consumers.

Then there's the profit motive. Bonneville "currently sells and delivers its power at cost," McCullough wrote last year. "Under a private regime, an investor-owned utility would likely charge a higher rate of return, a pattern seen when UK network profits drew regulatory rebukes."

None of these considerations appears to have been factored into the White House budget proposal. "Either there's an unsophisticated person at the Office of Management and Budget thinking up these numbers himself," McCullough told me, "or there would seem to be ongoing negotiations with an unidentified third party." No such buyer has emerged in the past, however.

What's left is a blind faith in the magic of the market, compounded by ignorance about how the transmission market operates. Put it together, and there's reason to wonder if Trump is even serious about this plan.

 

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