Why few Canadians know joys of electric cars

By Edmonton Journal


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Mike Hoskinson first drove an electric car in the early 1990s while on holiday in California. He rented GM's short-lived EV1 for the drive from Los Angeles to San Diego and survived a six-hour traffic jam while gas vehicles around him ran out of fuel.

Not long after that, GM rounded up the few hundred EV1s on the road and sent them to the car crusher, as shown in the 2006 documentary Who Killed the Electric Car? But Hoskinson has been hooked on battery power ever since. He has converted three cars, a Mazda B2000 truck run with 16 batteries, an ancient Citroen and a new Toyota Scion.

"My main reason is to reduce the environmental footprint of driving," says Hoskinson, a doctor in nuclear medicine at the University of Alberta Hospital.

A city commuter drives an average of 50 to 70 kilometres daily, well within the range of electric cars. If this driving was done with batteries and not gas, there'd be less smog, reduced greenhouse gases and quieter streets, he says.

People just have to get used to the idea of plugging in at night "like we plug in our cellphones." The big car makers have about a dozen gas-electric hybrids on the road these days, but the only way to get an electric-only, highway-capable car is to convert a gas guzzler.

It's an expensive process. Conversion kits, designed and built by a small B.C. company, Canada Electric Vehicles, cost $9,000 to $12,500.

Hoskinsons's new Scion is more expensive as it includes $18,000 for high-end, lithium-ion batteries that will double its range to 150 km. The total for the Scion conversion is $55,000, including the new car, the electric motor, batteries and labour.

Hoskinson figures it costs him $2 in electricity to go 100 km, versus about $10.80 for the average gasoline car, assuming a fuel efficiency of eight km/litre and gasoline prices around $1.35/litre.

He's also a bit of a mechanic, which helps when it comes to checking batteries and connections. There are no corner garages for electric car owners.

In Nanaimo, Randy Holmquist, owner of Canadian Electric Vehicles, says he sells about two conversion kits a week. That's up from about two kits a month before gas prices jumped.

The basic kit is designed for a Chevy S10 pickup truck and also fits other vehicles. Converted cars travel at speeds of 120-140 km/h on the highway and have a range of 60-80 km with regular lead acid batteries.

Hoskinson's Scion will be one of the last for Holmquist. He's getting out of the conversion business to spend more time building his Might-E electric truck.

Holmquist designed the small, low-speed truck, and builds a handful each year in his small shop. The University of British Columbia uses 10 on campus to replace gas-guzzling maintenance vans.

But Holmquist sends most of his trucks into the U.S., where the regulatory climate is more flexible. His trucks can be sold south of the border, along with Canadian-made electric, low-speed passenger vehicles that are not allowed on Canadian streets.

The U.S. has been quicker to open doors to these vehicles than Canada.

In 2000, Transport Canada created the new Low-Speed Vehicle category to stay in line with the U.S. Both countries initially excluded small trucks from the LSV category.

But the U.S. has reversed itself and now allows LSV trucks on the market and on public roads in some states.

It's taking longer in Canada. In December 2007, Transport Canada finally announced it is ready to include small trucks in the LSV category. After a 90-day public consultation, the federal department is now analyzing the public submissions to make a final decision.

Holmquist says the policy change is critical for his business and he's been waiting for four years to starting marketing.

So imagine his surprise in June when a U.S. competitor was allowed to bring an electric truck into Vancouver for a promotion, yet his own Might-E trucks are not allowed to be marketed. The U.S. vehicle, is made by a Minnesota company, E-Ride.

Transport Canada says it did not give authorization and there was a "misunderstanding" by the importer.

Holmquist is clear about what he wants: "All we're asking for is a level playing field. We're Canadian and we should get equal opportunity." Under Canadian regulations, LSV electric trucks and passenger vehicles are deemed unsafe for public roads.

Holmquist has no problem with that restriction for his trucks. But that's a sticking point for Canada's fledgling manufacturers of LSV passenger vehicles like Dynasty and ZENN whose vehicles run on public roads in more than 40 U.S states.

It's been a tough road, says Holmquist. "The most frustrating thing is the government is squawking green and yet there isn't one Might-E truck in the federal fleet," though military bases and National Parks parks would be prime locations.

"I've sort of given up on Canada," he says.

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Let’s make post-COVID Canada a manufacturing hub again

Canada Manufacturing Policy prioritizes affordable energy, trims carbon taxes, aligns with Buy America, and supports the resource sector, PPE and plastics supply, nearshoring, and resilient supply chains amid COVID-19, correcting costly green energy policies.

 

Key Points

A policy to boost industry with affordable energy, lower carbon taxes, resource ties, and aligned U.S. trade.

✅ Cuts energy costs and carbon tax burdens for competitiveness

✅ Rebuilds resource-sector linkages and domestic supply chains

✅ Seeks Buy America relief and clarity on plastics regulation

 

By Jocelyn Bamford

Since its inception in 2017, the Coalition of Concerned Manufacturers and Businesses has warned all levels of government that there would be catastrophic effects if policies that drove both the manufacturing and natural resources sectors out of the country were adopted.

The very origins of our coalition was in the fight for a competitive landscape in Ontario, a cornerstone of which is affordable energy and sounding the alarm that the Green Energy Policy in Ontario pushed many manufacturers out of the province.


The Green Energy Policy made electricity in Ontario four times the average North American rate. These unjust prices were largely there to subsidize the construction of expensive and inefficient wind and solar energy infrastructure, even as cleaning up Canada's grid is cited as critical to meeting climate pledges.

My company’s November hydro bill was $55,000 and $36,500 of that was the so-called global adjustment charge, the name given to these green energy costs.

Unaffordable electricity, illustrated by higher Alberta power costs in recent years, coupled with ever-more burdensome carbon taxes, have pushed Canadian manufacturing into the open arms of other countries that see the importance of affordable energy to attract business.

One can’t help but ask the question: If Canada had policies that attracted and maintained a robust manufacturing sector, would we be in the same situation with a lack of personal protective equipment and medical supplies for our front-line medical workers and our patients during this pandemic?  If our manufacturing sector wasn’t crippled by taxes and regulation, would it be more nimble and able to respond to a national emergency?

It seems that the federal government’s policies are designed to push manufacturing out, stifle our resource sector, and kill the very plastics industry that is so essential to keeping our front-line medical staff, patients, and citizens safe, even as the net-zero race accelerates federally.

As the federal government chased its obsession with a new green economy – a strange obsession given our country’s small contribution to global GHGs – including proposals for a fully renewable grid by 2030 advocated by some leaders, it has been blinded from the real threats to our country, threats that became very, very real with COVID-19.

After the pandemic has passed, the federal government must work to make Canada manufacturing and resource friendly again, recognizing that the IEA net-zero electricity report projects the need for more power. COVID-19 proves that Canada relies on a robust resource economy and manufacturing sector to survive. We need to ensure that we are prepared for future crises like the one we are facing now.

Here are five things our government can do now to meet that end:

1. End all carbon taxes immediately.

2. Create a mandate to bring manufacturing back to Canada through competitive offerings and favourable tax regimes.

3. Recognize the interconnections between the resource sector and manufacturing, including how fossil-fuel workers support the transition across supply chains. Many manufacturers supply parts and pieces to the resource sector, and they rely on affordable energy to compete globally.

4. Stop the current federal government initiative to label plastic as toxic. At a time when the government is appealing to manufacturers to re-tool and produce needed plastic products for the health care sector, labelling plastics as toxic is counterproductive.

5. Work to secure a Canadian exemption to Buy America. This crisis has clearly shown us that dependency on China is dangerous. We must forge closer ties with America and work as a trading block in order to be more self-sufficient.

These are troubling times. Many businesses will not survive.

We need to take back our manufacturing sector.  We need to take back our resource sector.

We need to understand the interconnected nature of these two important segments of our gross domestic production, and opportunities like an Alberta–B.C. grid link to strengthen reliability.
If we do not, in the next pandemic we may find ourselves not only without ventilators, masks and gowns but also without energy to operate our hospitals.

Jocelyn Bamford is a Toronto business executive and President of the Coalition of Concerned Manufacturers and Businesses of Canada

 

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Salmon and electricity at center of Columbia River treaty negotiations

Columbia River Treaty Negotiations involve Canada-U.S. talks on B.C. dams, flood control, hydropower sharing, and downstream benefits, prioritizing ecosystem health, First Nations rights, and salmon restoration while balancing affordable electricity for northwest consumers.

 

Key Points

Talks to update flood control, hydropower, and ecosystem terms for fair benefits to B.C. and U.S. communities.

✅ Public consultations across B.C.'s Columbia Basin

✅ First Nations priorities include salmon restoration

✅ U.S. seeks cheaper power; B.C. defends downstream benefits

 

With talks underway between Canada and the U.S. on the future of the Columbia River Treaty, the B.C. New Democrats have launched public consultations in the region most affected by the high-stakes negotiation.

“We want to ensure Columbia basin communities are consulted, kept informed and have their voices heard,” said provincial cabinet minister Katrine Conroy via a press release announcing meetings this month in Castlegar, Golden, Revelstoke, Nakusp, Nelson and other communities.

As well as having cabinet responsibility for the talks, Conroy’s Kootenay West riding includes several places that were inundated under the terms of the 1964 flood control and power generation treaty.

“We will continue to work closely with First Nations affected by the treaty, to ensure Indigenous interests are reflected in the negotiations,” she added by way of consolation to Indigenous people who’ve been excluded from the negotiating teams on both sides of the border.

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The stakes are also significant for the province as a whole. The basics of the treaty saw B.C. build dams to store water on this side of the border, easing the flood risk in the U.S. and allowing the flow to be evened out through the year. In exchange, B.C. was entitled to a share of the additional hydro power that could be generated in dams on the U.S. side.

B.C.’s sale of those downstream benefits to the U.S has poured almost $1.4 billion into provincial coffers over the past 10 years, albeit at a declining rate these days amid scrutiny from a regulator report on BC Hydro that raised concerns, because of depressed prices for cross-border electricity sales.

Politicians on the U.S. side have long sought to reopen the treaty, believing there was now a case for reducing B.C.’s entitlement.

They did not get across the threshold under President Barack Obama.

Then, last fall his successor Donald Trump served notice of intent, initiating the formal negotiations that commenced with a two day session last week in Washington, D.C. The next round is set for mid-August in B.C.

American objectives in the talks include “continued, careful management of flood risk; ensuring a reliable and economical power supply; and better addressing ecosystem concerns,” with recognition of recent BC Hydro demand declines during the pandemic.

“Economical power supply,” being a diplomatic euphemism for “cheaper electricity for consumers in the northwest states,” achievable by clawing back most of B.C.’s treaty entitlement.

On taking office last summer, the NDP inherited a 14-point statement of principles setting out B.C. hopes for negotiations to “continue the treaty” while “seeking improvements within the existing framework” of the 54-year-old agreement.

The New Democrats have endorsed those principles in a spirit of bipartisanship, even as Manitoba Hydro governance disputes play out elsewhere in Canada.

“Those principles were developed with consultation from throughout the region,” as Conroy advised the legislature this spring. “So I was involved, as well, in the process and knew what the issues were, right as they would come up.”

The New Democrats did chose to put additional emphasis on some concerns.

“There is an increase in discussion with Canada and First Nations on the return of salmon to the river,” she advised the house, recalling how construction of the enormous Grand Coulee Dam on the U.S. side in the 1930s wiped out salmon runs on the upper Columbia River.

“There was no consideration then for how incredibly important salmon was, especially to the First Nations people in our region. We have an advisory table that is made up of Indigenous representation from our region, and also we are discussing with Canada that we need to see if there’s feasibility here.”

As to feasibility, the obstacles to salmon migration in the upper reaches of the Columbia include the 168-metre high Grand Coulee and the 72-metre Chief Joseph dams on the U.S. side, plus the Keenleyside (52 metres), Revelstoke (175 metres) and Mica (240 metres) dams on the Canadian side.

Still, says Conroy “the First Nations from Canada and the tribes from the United States, have been working on scientific and technical documents and research to see if, first of all, the salmon can come up, how they can come up, and what the things are that have to be done to ensure that happens.”

The New Democrats also put more emphasis on preserving the ecosystem, aligning with clean-energy efforts with First Nations that support regional sustainability.

“I know that certainly didn’t happen in 1964, but that is something that’s very much on the minds of people in the Columbia basin,” said Conroy. “If we are going to tweak the treaty, what can we do to make sure the voices of the basin are heard and that things that were under no consideration in the ’60s are now a topic for consideration?”

With those new considerations, there’s still the status quo concern of preserving the downstream benefits as a trade off for the flooding and other impacts on this side of the border.

The B.C. position on that score is the same under the New Democrats as it was under the Liberals, despite a B.C. auditor general report on deferred BC Hydro costs.

“The level of benefits to B.C., which is currently solely in the form of the (electricity) entitlement, does not account for the full range of benefits in the U.S. or the impacts in B.C.,” says the statement of principle.

“All downstream U.S. benefits such as flood risk management, hydropower, ecosystems, water supply (including municipal, industrial and agricultural uses), recreation, navigation and other related benefits should be accounted for and such value created should be shared equitably between the two countries.”

No surprise if the Americans do not see it the same way.  But that is a topic for another day.

 

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Notley announces plans to move Alberta's electricity grid to net-zero by 2035 if elected

Alberta NDP Net-Zero Electricity Plan targets a 2035 clean grid, expands renewable energy, cuts emissions, creates jobs, and boosts economic diversification and rural connectivity, aligning Alberta with Canada's 2050 climate goals.

 

Key Points

A policy to achieve a net-zero electricity grid by 2035, advance renewable energy, cut emissions, and grow jobs.

✅ Net-zero electricity grid target set for 2035

✅ Scales renewable energy and emissions reductions

✅ Focus on jobs, rural connectivity, and diversification

 

Ahead of the NDP’s weekend convention, Alberta’s Opposition leader has committed to transforming the province’s energy sector and moving the province’s electricity grid to net-zero by 2035, despite debate over the federal 2035 net-zero electricity grid target in other provinces, should an orange crush wash over Alberta in the next election.

NDP Leader Rachel Notley said they would achieve this as part of the path towards Canada’s 2050 net-zero emissions goal, aligning with broader clean grids trends, which will help preserve and create jobs in the province.

“I think it’s an important goal. It’s a way of framing the work that we’re going to do within our energy industry and our energy sector, including how Alberta produces and pays for electricity going forward,” said Notley. “We know the world is moving toward different objectives and we still have the ability to lead on that front, but we need to lay down the markers early and focus on reaching those goals.”

Premier Jason Kenney has previously called the 2050 target “aspirational,” and, as the electricity sector faces profound change in Alberta, Notley said, once the work begins, it’s likely they would meet the objective earlier than proposed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that contribute to global warming.

This is just one key issue that will be addressed at the party’s online convention, which is the first since the NDP’s defeat by the UCP in the last provincial election. Notley said other key issues will address economic diversification, economic recovery, job creation and social issues, as Alberta’s electricity market is headed for a reshuffle too. The focus, as she puts it, is “jobs, jobs, jobs.”

Attendees will also debate more than 140 policy resolutions over the weekend, including the development of a safe supply drug policy, banning coal mining in the Rocky Mountains and providing paid sick leave for workers.

Outside the formal agenda, debate over electricity market competition continues in Alberta as stakeholders weigh options.

Notley said an area of growing focus for the NDP will be rural Alberta, which is typically a conservative stronghold. One panel presentation during the convention will focus on connecting and building relationships with rural Albertans and growing the NDP profile in those areas.

“We think that we have a lot to offer rural Alberta and that, quite frankly, the UCP and (Kenney), in particular, have profoundly taken rural Alberta for granted,” she said. “Because of that, we think with a renewed energy amongst our membership to go out to parts of the province where we haven’t been previously as active, and talk about what they have been subjected to in the last two years, that we have huge opportunities there.”

Delegates will be asked to support a call for high-speed internet coverage across Alberta, which would remove barriers to access in rural Alberta and Indigenous communities, said the convention guidebook.

The convention comes as the NDP has a wide lead on the UCP, according to the latest polls. A Leger online survey of 1,001 Albertans conducted between March 5 to 8 found 40 per cent of respondents support the NDP, compared to just 20 per cent for the UCP.

Notley said it’s “encouraging” to see, but they aren’t taking anything for granted.

“I’ve always believed that Alberta Democrats have to work twice as hard as anybody else in the political spectrum, or the political arena,” she said. “So what we’re going to do is continue to do exactly what we have been, not only being a strong and I would argue fearless Opposition, but also trying to match every oppositional position with something that is propositional — offering Albertans a different vision, including an Alberta path to clean electricity where possible.”

 

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Canada Finalizes Clean Electricity Regulations for 2050

Canada Clean Electricity Regulations align climate policy with grid reliability, scaling renewables, energy storage, and low-carbon power to reach net-zero by 2050 while maintaining affordability through federal incentives, provincial flexibility, and investment.

 

Key Points

Nationwide rules to decarbonize power by 2050, capping emissions and protecting grid reliability and affordability.

✅ Net-zero electricity by 2050 with strict emissions limits

✅ Provincial flexibility and federal investments to cut costs

✅ Scales renewables, storage, and clean firm power for reliability

 

Canada's final Clean Electricity Regulations, unveiled in December 2024, alongside complementary provincial frameworks such as Ontario's clean electricity regulations that guide provincial implementation, represent a critical step toward ensuring a sustainable and reliable energy future. With electricity demand set to rise as the country’s population and economy grow, the Canadian government has put forward a robust plan that balances climate goals with the need for reliable, affordable power.

The regulations are designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from the electricity sector, which is already one of Canada's cleanest, with 85% of its electricity sourced from renewable energies like hydro, wind, and solar, and growing attention to clean grids and batteries nationwide. The target is to achieve net-zero emissions in electricity generation by 2050, a goal that will support the country’s broader climate ambitions.

One of the central goals of the Clean Electricity Regulations is to make sure that Canada’s power grid can accommodate future demand in light of a critical electrical supply crunch identified by analysts, while ensuring that emissions are cut effectively. The regulations set strict pollution limits but allow flexibility for provinces and territories to meet these goals in ways that suit their local circumstances. This approach recognizes the diverse energy resources across Canada, from the large-scale hydroelectric capacity in Quebec to the growing wind and solar projects in the West.

A key benefit of these regulations is the assurance that they will not result in higher electricity rates for most Canadians. In fact, according to government analyses, and resources like the online CER bill tool that explain how fees and usage affect charges, the regulations are expected to have a neutral or even slightly positive impact on electricity costs. This is due in part to significant federal investments in the electricity sector, totaling over $60 billion. These investments are intended to support the transition to clean electricity while minimizing costs for consumers.

The shift to clean electricity is also expected to generate significant savings for Canadian households. As energy prices continue to fluctuate, clean electricity, especially from renewable sources, is becoming more cost-competitive compared to fossil fuels. Over the next decade, this transition is expected to result in $15 billion in total savings for Canadians, with 84% of households projected to benefit from lower energy bills. The savings are a result of federal incentives aimed at encouraging the adoption of efficient electric appliances, vehicles, and heating systems.

Moreover, reducing emissions from the electricity sector will play a major role in cutting Canada’s overall greenhouse gas pollution. By 2050, it’s estimated that these regulations will reduce nearly 181 megatonnes of emissions, which is equivalent to removing over 55 million cars from the road. This is a crucial step in meeting Canada’s climate targets and mitigating the impacts of climate change, such as extreme weather events, which have already led to significant economic losses.

The economic benefits extend beyond savings on energy bills. The regulations and the broader clean electricity strategy will create substantial job opportunities. The clean energy sector, which includes jobs in wind, solar, and nuclear power, is poised for massive growth, and provinces like Alberta have outlined a path to clean electricity to support that momentum. It’s estimated that by 2030, the transition to clean electricity could create 400,000 new jobs, with further job growth projected for the years to come. These jobs are expected to include roles in both the construction and operation of new energy infrastructure, many of which will be unionized positions offering good wages and benefits.

To help meet the rising demand for clean energy, the government’s strategy emphasizes technological innovation and the integration of new energy sources, including market design updates such as proposed market changes that can enable investment. Renewable energy technologies such as wind and solar power have become increasingly cost-competitive, and their continued development is expected to reduce the overall cost of electricity generation. The regulations also encourage the adoption of energy storage solutions, which are essential for managing the intermittent nature of renewable energy sources.

In addition to the environmental and economic benefits, the Clean Electricity Regulations will help improve public health. Air pollution from fossil fuel power generation is a major contributor to respiratory illnesses and other health issues. By transitioning to clean energy sources, Canada can reduce harmful air pollutants, leading to better health outcomes and a lower burden on the healthcare system.

As Canada moves toward a net-zero electricity grid, including the federal 2035 target that some have criticized as changing goalposts in Saskatchewan, the Clean Electricity Regulations represent a comprehensive and flexible approach to managing the energy transition. With significant investments in clean energy technologies and the adoption of policies that ensure affordable electricity for all Canadians, the government is setting the stage for a cleaner, more sustainable future. These efforts will not only help Canada meet its climate goals but also create a thriving clean energy economy that benefits workers, businesses, and families across the country.

 

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Manitoba Hydro's burgeoning debt surpasses $19 billion

Manitoba Hydro Debt Load surges past $19.2B as the Crown corporation faces shrinking net income, restructuring costs, and PUB rate decisions, driven by Bipole III, Keeyask construction, aging infrastructure, and rising interest rate risks.

 

Key Points

Manitoba Hydro Debt Load refers to the utility's escalating borrowings exceeding $19B, pressuring rates and finances.

✅ Debt rose to $19.2B; projected near $25B within five years.

✅ Major drivers: Bipole III, Keeyask, aging assets, restructuring.

✅ Rate hikes sought; PUB approved 3.6% vs 7.9% request.

 

Manitoba Hydro's debt load now exceeds $19 billion as the provincial Crown corporation grapples with a shrinking net income amid ongoing efforts to slay costs.

The utility's annual report, to be released publicly on Tuesday, also shows its total consolidated net income slumped from $71 million in 2016-2017 to $37 million in the last fiscal year, mirroring a Hydro One profit drop as electricity revenue fell.

It said efforts to restructure the utility and reduce costs are partly to blame for the $34 million drop in year-over-year income.

These earnings come nowhere close, however, to alleviating Hydro's long-term debt problem, a dynamic also seen in a BC Hydro deferred costs report about customer exposure. The figure is pegged at $19.2 billion this fiscal year, up from $16.1 billion the previous year and $14.2 billion in 2016.

The utility projects its debt will grow to about $25 billion in the next five years. Its largest expenses include finishing the Bipole III line, working on the Keeyask Generating System that is halfway done and rebuilding aging wood poles and substations, the report said.

"This level of debt increases the potential financial exposure from risks facing the corporation and is a concern for both

the corporation and our customers who may be exposed to higher rate increases in the event of rising interest rates, a prolonged drought or a major system failure," outgoing president and CEO Kelvin Shepherd wrote.

The income drop is primarily a result of the $50 million spent in the form of restructuring charges associated with the utility's efforts to streamline the organization and drive down costs, amid NDP criticism of Hydro changes related to government policy.

Those efforts included the implementation of buyouts for employees through what the utility dubbed its "voluntary departure program."

Among the changes, Manitoba Hydro reduced its workforce by 800 employees, which is expected to save the utility over $90 million per year. It also reduced its management positions by 26 per cent, a Monday news release said, while Hydro One leadership upheaval in Ontario drove its shares down during comparable governance turmoil.

To improve its financial situation, Hydro has applied for rate increases, even as the Consumers Coalition pushes to have the proposal rejected. The Public Utilities Board offered a 3.6 per cent average rate hike, instead of the 7.9 per cent jump the utility asked for.

In May, when the PUB rendered its decision, it made several recommendations as an alternative to raising rates, including receiving a share of carbon tax revenue and asking the government to help pay for Bipole III.

Hydro is projecting a net income of $70 million for 2018-2019, which includes the impact of the recent rate increase. That total reflects an approximately 20 per cent reduction in net income from 2017-18 after restructuring costs are calculated.

 

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When paying $1 for a coal power plant is still paying too much

San Juan Generating Station eyed for $1 coal-plant sale, as Farmington and Acme propose CCS retrofit, meeting emissions caps and renewable mandates by selling captured CO2 for enhanced oil recovery via a nearby pipeline.

 

Key Points

A New Mexico coal plant eyed for $1 and a CCS retrofit to cut emissions and sell CO2 for enhanced oil recovery.

✅ $400M-$800M CCS retrofit; 90% CO2 capture target

✅ CO2 sales for enhanced oil recovery; 20-mile pipeline gap

✅ PNM projects shutdown savings; renewable and emissions mandates

 

One dollar. That’s how much an aging New Mexico coal plant is worth. And by some estimates, even that may be too much.

Acme Equities LLC, a New York-based holding company, is in talks to buy the 847-megawatt San Juan Generating Station for $1, after four of its five owners decided to shut it down. The fifth owner, the nearby city of Farmington, says it’s pursuing the bargain-basement deal with Acme to avoid losing about 1,600 direct and indirect jobs in the area amid a broader just transition debate for energy workers.

 

We respectfully disagree with the notion that the plant is not economical

Acme’s interest comes as others are looking to exit a coal industry that’s been plagued by costly anti-pollution regulations. Acme’s plan: Buy the plant "at a very low cost," invest in carbon capture technology that will lower emissions, and then sell the captured CO2 to oil companies, said Larry Heller, a principal at the holding group.

By doing this, Acme “believes we can generate an acceptable rate of return,” Heller said in an email.

Meanwhile, San Juan’s majority owner, PNM Resources Inc., offers a distinctly different view, echoing declining coal returns reported by other utilities. A 2022 shutdown will push ratepayers to other energy alternatives now being planned, saving them about $3 to $4 a month on average, PNM has said.

“We could not identify a solution that would make running San Juan Generating Station economical,” said Tom Fallgren, a PNM vice president, in an email.

The potential sale comes as a new clean-energy bill, supported by Governor Lujan Grisham, is working its way through the state legislature. It would require the state to get half of its power from renewable sources by 2030, and 100 percent by 2045, even as other jurisdictions explore small modular reactor strategies to meet future demand. At the same time, the legislation imposes an emissions cap that’s about 60 percent lower than San Juan’s current levels.

In response, Acme is planning to spend $400 million to $800 million to retrofit the facility with carbon capture and sequestration technology that would collect carbon dioxide before it’s released into the atmosphere, Heller said. That would put the facility into compliance with the pending legislation and, at the same time, help generate revenue for the plant.

The company estimates the system would cut emissions by as much as 90 percent, and the captured gas could be sold to oil companies, which uses it to enhance well recovery. The bottom line, according to Heller: “A winning financial formula.”

It’s a tricky formula at best. Carbon-capture technology has been controversial, even as new coal plant openings remain rare, expensive to install and unproven at scale. Additionally, to make it work at the San Juan plant, the company would need to figure out how to deliver the CO2 to customers since the nearest pipeline is about 20 miles (32 kilometers) away.

 

Reducing costs

Acme is also evaluating ways to reduce costs at San Juan, Heller said, including approaches seen at operators extending the life of coal plants under regulatory scrutiny, such as negotiating a cheaper coal-supply contract and qualifying for subsidies.

Farmington’s stake in the plant is less than 10 percent. But under terms of the partnership, the city — population 45,000 — can assume full control of San Juan should the other partners decide to pull out, mirroring policy debates over saving struggling nuclear plants in other regions. That’s given Farmington the legal authority to pursue the plant’s sale to Acme.

 

At the end of the day, nobody wants the energy

“We respectfully disagree with the notion that the plant is not economical,” Farmington Mayor Nate Duckett said by email. Ducket said he’s in better position than the other owners to assess San Juan’s importance “because we sit at Ground Zero.”

The city’s economy would benefit from keeping open both the plant and a nearby coal mine that feeds it, according to Duckett, with operations that contribute about $170 million annually to the local area.

While the loss of those jobs would be painful to some, Camilla Feibelman, a Sierra Club chapter director, is hard pressed to see a business case for keeping San Juan open, pointing to sector closures such as the Three Mile Island shutdown as evidence of shifting economics. The plant isn’t economical now, and would almost certainly be less so after investing the capital to add carbon-capture systems.

 

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