Think Tanks Tackle California Energy Crisis

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Blackouts in California have stimulated the energy of a number of think tanks around the country that are now seeking solutions to the energy crisis facing California.

They are advocating policies ranging from increased federal oversight to laissez-faire free-market approaches, and their debate is playing out against the background of the Bush Administration's efforts to stake out a workable policy that does not compromise its conservative Republican agenda.

Vice President Dick Cheney and members of a cabinet-level task force met on January 29 to discuss the task force's first step toward drafting legislation and regulations designed to enhance development of energy resources. Officials of the administration of President George W. Bush had prepared the public by filling the political talk show airwaves on Sunday, downplaying expectations for the meeting and telling interviewers that the problem is largely California's to deal with.

In contrast, many in the think tank community are eager to give California helpful advice. Two leading libertarian think tanks, the Reason Public Policy Institute of Santa Monica, California, and the Washington-based Cato Institute, have established web site resources for research on the California energy crunch. At the same time, other policy research groups from across the political spectrum are also producing both scholarship and polemics suited to California's crisis.

Much of the dispute centers on what role, if any, the federal government should play in dealing with California's energy shortages. Last week, Bush had extended an emergency order requiring out-of-state companies to supply energy to the state's power industry for two weeks; however, the White House has told reporters that the president will not grant another extension.

In keeping with that edict, prominent administration officials told weekend news audiences that dealing with the energy crunch was the primary responsibility of California's state leaders. On ABC's "This Week," Vice President Dick Cheney said the administration is "prepared to do those things that we can to help, but the basic problem in California was caused by California."

Some think tanks sharply dispute that conclusion; others accept it. Free-market think tanks vehemently argue that California's problems do not stem from deregulation. Thomas Pearson of the Washington-based Competitive Enterprise Institute describes California policy as "meddling micromanagement" by the state government. At the other end of the ideological spectrum, Joan Claybrook, President of Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy research group, says, "consumers and small businesses have been hijacked" by deregulation."

These differences between think tanks is a direct reflection of the policy debate in California, where Democratic Gov. Gray Davis, along with state legislative leaders of both parties, want to take a share of ownership in the state's two largest utilities -- Pacific Gas and Electric, and Southern California Edison. Both utilities have been close to the brink of financial collapse as deregulated wholesale electric prices have risen.

Under California's 1996 deregulation law, the power companies' ability to pass these increases along to consumers is limited, leaving the utilities without sufficient credit to buy the electricity consumers want. The deregulation law "put a noose around the utilities," says Angela Eckhardt, program director at the Cascade Policy Institute, a Portland, Oregon- based think tank with strong libertarian leanings. Eckhardt believes that the 1996 legislation allowed state regulators to set retail electricity prices for consumers.

The government, she says, forced utilities to sell off power plants and then prohibited them from obtaining competitive, long-term contracts with power generators.

The argument over "deregulation," says Eckhardt, is largely the result of media misnaming. "I think it's extremely unfortunate that so many journalists have taken politicians' word for fact," she says. "Deregulation means less government regulation, not more."

Other think tanks believe that in the light of the state's responses, deregulation has led to advantages for the utilities. For example, Gray and the leaders of the California legislature want to issue bonds to cover utility debts, and make customers pay the money back over 10 years. In exchange, California would be granted long-term options to buy low-priced stock in utilities. These think tanks say that this proposed plan amounts to a "bailout" of energy corporations.

Wenonah Hauter of Public Citizen says the idea of the power companies as victims is a myth. She says that the utilities' parent companies have spent billions buying assets in recent months. "If the power suppliers have their way, the average consumer could be paying 12 times more for electricity," says Hauter.

However, on the other side, free-market think tanks argue that too much government is already present in California's energy industry. On a web site named "The Electricity 'Crisis'?, at www.cato.org/electricity/index

http://www.cato.org/electricity/index http://www.cato.org/electricity/index , Cato scholar Jerry Taylor describes California's current situation as "managed competition." In the "Cato Handbook for Congress," published before the outburst of concern in California, Cato proposed a wide-ranging

The same note is being struck in right-of-center think tanks around the country. The week before the first White House meeting, Sen. Gordon Smith (R. Oregon), complained to the president that Oregon is "in jeopardy of becoming an energy farm to California." However, back in the Northwest, the Cascade Policy Institute's Eckhardt sounds a different theme. She admits that many Oregonians, both in and out of government, "look at the (federally-owned) Bonneville Power Administration and say, 'Look, they're selling our energy to California!' But that's not true," she says.

"BPA and California -- its all the federal government."

In this, Eckhardt echoes libertarian thinking, which regards the web of federal environmental regulations surrounding power plant construction as tantamount to federal control.

As the policy experts debate these points, lawmakers in California and surrounding states are trying to keep voters and potential voters supplied with light and heat. At the same time, think tanks are not striking a conciliatory note from either side of the political spectrum.

On the one hand, consumer advocate groups like Public Citizen angrily denounce collusion between business and government and call for increased federal oversight. A recent Public Citizen paper says a short-term solution to the crisis would be for the federal government to impose cost-based rates on out-of-state power wholesalers, who now own most of the state's fossil fuel plants.

"The federal government is the sole entity with the power to do this," says the unsigned paper. "This action would give California time to thoughtfully restructure its electric industry."

On the other hand, free-market think tanks denounce the same business-government collusion, but with vastly different policy conclusions: They think the federal government is already too involved, and want federal and state environmental standards loosened so that more power plants can be built.

For Eckhardt and other free-market-minded think tankers, the lesson of California is simple. "As far as Oregon policy goes, our legislators are still planning to move forward with partial deregulation," she says. "It would be good if everyone would look at California and learn that government meddling and bureaucratic stagnation caused this problem."

(C) 2001 UPI All Rights Reserved.

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New fuel cell could help fix the renewable energy storage problem

Proton Conducting Fuel Cells enable reversible hydrogen energy storage, coupling electrolyzers and fuel cells with ceramic catalysts and proton-conducting membranes to convert wind and solar electricity into fuel and back to reliable grid power.

 

Key Points

Proton conducting fuel cells store renewable power as hydrogen and generate electricity using reversible catalysts.

✅ Reversible electrolysis and fuel-cell operation in one device

✅ Ceramic air electrodes hit up to 98% splitting efficiency

✅ Scalable path to low-cost grid energy storage with hydrogen

 

If we want a shot at transitioning to renewable energy, we’ll need one crucial thing: technologies that can convert electricity from wind, sun, and even electricity from raindrops into a chemical fuel for storage and vice versa. Commercial devices that do this exist, but most are costly and perform only half of the equation. Now, researchers have created lab-scale gadgets that do both jobs. If larger versions work as well, they would help make it possible—or at least more affordable—to run the world on renewables.

The market for such technologies has grown along with renewables: In 2007, solar and wind provided just 0.8% of all power in the United States; in 2017, that number was 8%, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. But the demand for electricity often doesn’t match the supply from solar and wind, a key reason why the U.S. grid isn't 100% renewable today. In sunny California, for example, solar panels regularly produce more power than needed in the middle of the day, but none at night, after most workers and students return home.

Some utilities are beginning to install massive banks of cheaper solar batteries in hopes of storing excess energy and evening out the balance sheet. But batteries are costly and store only enough energy to back up the grid for a few hours at most. Another option is to store the energy by converting it into hydrogen fuel. Devices called electrolyzers do this by using electricity—ideally from solar and wind power—to split water into oxygen and hydrogen gas, a carbon-free fuel. A second set of devices called fuel cells can then convert that hydrogen back to electricity to power cars, trucks, and buses, or to feed it to the grid.

But commercial electrolyzers and fuel cells use different catalysts to speed up the two reactions, meaning a single device can’t do both jobs. To get around this, researchers have been experimenting with a newer type of fuel cell, called a proton conducting fuel cell (PCFC), which can make fuel or convert it back into electricity using just one set of catalysts.

PCFCs consist of two electrodes separated by a membrane that allows protons across. At the first electrode, known as the air electrode, steam and electricity are fed into a ceramic catalyst, which splits the steam’s water molecules into positively charged hydrogen ions (protons), electrons, and oxygen molecules. The electrons travel through an external wire to the second electrode—the fuel electrode—where they meet up with the protons that crossed through the membrane. There, a nickel-based catalyst stitches them together to make hydrogen gas (H2). In previous PCFCs, the nickel catalysts performed well, but the ceramic catalysts were inefficient, using less than 70% of the electricity to split the water molecules. Much of the energy was lost as heat.

Now, two research teams have made key strides in improving this efficiency, and a new fuel cell concept brings biological design ideas into the mix. They both focused on making improvements to the air electrode, because the nickel-based fuel electrode did a good enough job. In January, researchers led by chemist Sossina Haile at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, reported in Energy & Environmental Science that they came up with a fuel electrode made from a ceramic alloy containing six elements that harnessed 76% of its electricity to split water molecules. And in today’s issue of Nature Energy, Ryan O’Hayre, a chemist at the Colorado School of Mines in Golden, reports that his team has done one better. Their ceramic alloy electrode, made up of five elements, harnesses as much as 98% of the energy it’s fed to split water.

When both teams run their setups in reverse, the fuel electrode splits H2 molecules into protons and electrons. The electrons travel through an external wire to the air electrode—providing electricity to power devices. When they reach the electrode, they combine with oxygen from the air and protons that crossed back over the membrane to produce water.

The O’Hayre group’s latest work is “impressive,” Haile says. “The electricity you are putting in is making H2 and not heating up your system. They did a really good job with that.” Still, she cautions, both her new device and the one from the O’Hayre lab are small laboratory demonstrations. For the technology to have a societal impact, researchers will need to scale up the button-size devices, a process that typically reduces performance. If engineers can make that happen, the cost of storing renewable energy could drop precipitously, thereby moving us closer to cheap abundant electricity at scale, helping utilities do away with their dependence on fossil fuels.

 

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Latvia eyes electricity from Belarus nuclear plant

Latvia Astravets electricity imports weigh AST purchases from the Belarusian nuclear plant, impacting the Baltic grid, Lithuania market, energy security, and cross-border trading as Latvia seeks to mitigate supply risks and stabilize power flows.

 

Key Points

Proposed AST purchases of power from Belarus's Astravets plant to bolster Baltic grid supply via Lithuania.

✅ AST evaluates imports to mitigate supply risk

✅ Energy could enter Lithuania via existing trading route

✅ Debate centers on nuclear safety and Baltic grid impacts

 

Latvia’s electricity transmission system operator, AST, is looking at the possibility of purchasing electricity from the soon-to-be completed Belarusian nuclear power plant in Astravets, at a time when Ukraine's electricity exports have resumed in the region, long criticised by the Lithuanian government, Belsat TV has reported.

According to the Latvian media, the Latvian government is seeking to mitigate the risk of a possible drop in electricity supplies amid price spikes in Ireland highlighting dispatchable power concerns, given that energy trading between the Baltic states and third parties is currently carried out only through the Belarusian-Lithuanian border, including Latvian imports from Lithuania.

If AST starts importing electricity from the Belarusian plant to Latvia, in a pattern similar to Georgia's electricity imports during peak demand, the energy is expected to enter the Lithuanian market as well.

Such cross-border flows also mirror responses to Central Asia's electricity shortages seen recently.

The Lithuanian government has repeatedly criticised the nuclear power over national security and environmental safety concerns, as well as a number of emergencies that took place during construction, particularly as Europe is losing nuclear power and confronting energy security challenges.

Debates over infrastructure and safety have also intensified by projects like power lines to reactivate Zaporizhzhia in Ukraine.

The first Astravets reactor, which is being built close to the Lithuanian border in the Hrodno region, is expected to be operational by the end of 2019, a year that saw Belgium's nuclear exports rise across Europe.

 

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Trump's Vision of U.S. Energy Dominance Faces Real-World Constraints

U.S. Energy Dominance envisions deregulation, oil and gas growth, LNG exports, pipelines, and geopolitical leverage, while facing OPEC pricing power, infrastructure bottlenecks, climate policy pressures, and accelerating renewables in global markets.

 

Key Points

U.S. policy to grow fossil fuel output and exports via deregulation, bolstering energy security, geopolitical influence.

✅ Deregulation to expand drilling, pipelines, and export capacity

✅ Exposed to OPEC pricing, global shocks, and cost competitiveness

✅ Faces infrastructure, ESG finance, and renewables transition risks

 

Former President Donald Trump has consistently advocated for “energy dominance” as a cornerstone of his energy policy. In his vision, the United States would leverage its abundant natural resources to achieve energy self-sufficiency, flood global markets with cheap energy, and undercut competitors like Russia and OPEC nations. However, while the rhetoric resonates with many Americans, particularly those in energy-producing states, the pursuit of energy dominance faces significant real-world challenges that could limit its feasibility and impact.

The Energy Dominance Vision

Trump’s energy dominance strategy revolves around deregulation, increased domestic production of oil and gas, and the rollback of climate-oriented restrictions. During his presidency, he emphasized opening federal lands to drilling, accelerating the approval of pipelines, and, through an executive order, boosting uranium and nuclear energy initiatives, as well as withdrawing from international agreements like the Paris Climate Accord. The goal was not only to meet domestic energy demands but also to establish the U.S. as a major exporter of fossil fuels, thereby reducing reliance on foreign energy sources.

This approach gained traction during Trump’s first term, with the U.S. achieving record levels of oil and natural gas production. Energy exports surged, making the U.S. a net energy exporter for the first time in decades. Yet, critics argue that this policy prioritizes short-term economic gains over long-term sustainability, while supporters believe it provides a roadmap for energy security and geopolitical leverage.

Market Realities

The energy market is complex, influenced by factors beyond the control of any single administration, with energy crisis impacts often cascading across sectors. While the U.S. has significant reserves of oil and gas, the global market sets prices. Even if the U.S. ramps up production, it cannot insulate itself entirely from price shocks caused by geopolitical instability, OPEC production cuts, or natural disasters.

For instance, despite record production in the late 2010s, American consumers faced volatile gasoline prices during an energy crisis driven by $5 gas and external factors like tensions in the Middle East and fluctuating global demand. Additionally, the cost of production in the U.S. is often higher than in countries with more easily accessible reserves, such as Saudi Arabia. This limits the competitive advantage of U.S. energy producers in global markets.

Infrastructure and Environmental Concerns

A major obstacle to achieving energy dominance is infrastructure. Expanding oil and gas production requires investments in pipelines, export terminals, and refineries. However, these projects often face delays due to regulatory hurdles, legal challenges, and public opposition. High-profile pipeline projects like Keystone XL and Dakota Access have become battlegrounds between industry proponents and environmental activists, and cross-border dynamics such as support for Canadian energy projects amid tariff threats further complicate permitting, highlighting the difficulty of reconciling energy expansion with environmental and community concerns.

Moreover, the transition to cleaner energy sources is accelerating globally, with many countries committing to net-zero emissions targets. This trend could reduce the demand for fossil fuels in the long run, potentially leaving U.S. producers with stranded assets if global markets shift more quickly than anticipated.

Geopolitical Implications

Trump’s energy dominance strategy also hinges on the belief that U.S. energy exports can weaken adversaries like Russia and Iran. While increased American exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) to Europe have reduced the continent’s reliance on Russian gas, achieving total energy independence for allies is a monumental task. Europe’s energy infrastructure, designed for pipeline imports from Russia, cannot be overhauled overnight to accommodate LNG shipments.

Additionally, the influence of major producers like Saudi Arabia and the OPEC+ alliance remains significant, even as shifts in U.S. policy affect neighbors; in Canada, some viewed Biden as better for the energy sector than alternatives. These countries can adjust production levels to influence prices, sometimes undercutting U.S. efforts to expand its market share.

The Renewable Energy Challenge

The growing focus on renewable energy adds another layer of complexity. Solar, wind, and battery storage technologies are becoming increasingly cost-competitive with fossil fuels. Many U.S. states and private companies are investing heavily in clean energy to align with consumer preferences and global trends, amid arguments that stepping away from fossil fuels can bolster national security. This shift could dampen the domestic demand for oil and gas, challenging the long-term viability of Trump’s energy dominance agenda.

Moreover, international pressure to address climate change could limit the expansion of fossil fuel infrastructure. Financial institutions and investors are increasingly reluctant to fund projects perceived as environmentally harmful, further constraining growth in the sector.

While Trump’s call for U.S. energy dominance taps into a desire for economic growth and energy security, it faces numerous challenges. Global market dynamics, infrastructure bottlenecks, environmental concerns, and the transition to renewable energy all pose significant barriers to achieving the ambitious vision.

For the U.S. to navigate these challenges effectively, a balanced approach that incorporates both traditional energy sources and investments in clean energy is likely needed. Striking this balance will require careful policymaking that considers not just immediate economic gains but also long-term sustainability and global competitiveness.

 

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British Columbia Fuels Up for the Future with $900 Million Hydrogen Project

H2 Gateway Hydrogen Network accelerates clean energy in B.C., building electrolysis plants and hydrogen fueling stations for zero-emission vehicles, heavy-duty trucks, and long-haul transit, supporting decarbonization, green hydrogen supply, and infrastructure investment.

 

Key Points

A $900M B.C. initiative by HTEC to build electrolysis plants and 20 hydrogen fueling stations for zero-emission transport.

✅ $900M project with HTEC, CIB, and B.C. government

✅ 3 electrolysis plants plus byproduct liquefaction in North Vancouver

✅ Up to 20 stations; 14 for heavy-duty vehicles in B.C. and Alberta

 

British Columbia is taking a significant step towards a cleaner future with a brand new $900 million project. This initiative, spearheaded by hydrogen company HTEC and supported by the CIB in B.C. and the B.C. government, aims to establish a comprehensive hydrogen network across the province. This network will encompass both hydrogen production plants and fueling stations, marking a major leap in developing hydrogen infrastructure in B.C.

The project, dubbed "H2 Gateway," boasts several key components. At its core lies the construction of three brand new electrolysis hydrogen production plants. These facilities will be strategically located in Burnaby, Nanaimo, and Prince George, ensuring a wide distribution of hydrogen fuel. An additional facility in North Vancouver will focus on liquefying byproduct hydrogen, maximizing resource efficiency.

The most visible aspect of H2 Gateway will undoubtedly be the network of hydrogen fueling stations. The project envisions up to 20 stations spread across British Columbia and Alberta, complementing the province's Electric Highway build-out, with 18 being situated within B.C. itself. This extensive network will significantly enhance the accessibility of hydrogen fuel, making it a more viable option for motorists. Notably, 14 of these stations will be designed to handle heavy-duty vehicles, catering to the transportation sector's clean energy needs.

The economic and environmental benefits of H2 Gateway are undeniable. The project is expected to generate nearly 300 jobs, aligning with recent grid job creation efforts, providing a much-needed boost to the B.C. economy. More importantly, the widespread adoption of hydrogen fuel promises significant reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. Hydrogen-powered vehicles produce zero tailpipe emissions, making them a crucial tool in combating climate change.

British Columbia's investment in hydrogen infrastructure aligns with a global trend. As countries strive to achieve ambitious climate goals, hydrogen is increasingly viewed as a promising clean energy source. Hydrogen fuel cells offer several advantages over traditional electric vehicles, and while B.C. leads the country in going electric, they boast longer driving ranges and shorter refueling times, making them particularly attractive for long-distance travel and heavy-duty applications.

While H2 Gateway represents a significant step forward, challenges remain. The production of clean hydrogen, often achieved through electrolysis using renewable energy sources, faces power supply challenges and requires substantial initial investment. Additionally, the number of hydrogen-powered vehicles on the road is still relatively low.

However, projects like H2 Gateway are crucial in overcoming these hurdles. By creating a robust hydrogen infrastructure, B.C. is sending a strong signal to the industry and, alongside BC Hydro's EV charging expansion across southern B.C., is building a comprehensive clean transportation network. This investment will not only benefit the environment but also incentivize the development and adoption of hydrogen-powered vehicles. As the technology matures and production costs decrease, hydrogen fuel has the potential to revolutionize transportation and play a key role in a sustainable future.

The road ahead for hydrogen may not be entirely smooth, but British Columbia's commitment to H2 Gateway demonstrates a clear vision. By investing in clean energy infrastructure, the province is not only positioning itself as a leader in the fight against climate change, with Canada and B.C. investing in green energy solutions to accelerate progress, but also paving the way for a more sustainable transportation landscape.

 

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Notley announces plans to move Alberta's electricity grid to net-zero by 2035 if elected

Alberta NDP Net-Zero Electricity Plan targets a 2035 clean grid, expands renewable energy, cuts emissions, creates jobs, and boosts economic diversification and rural connectivity, aligning Alberta with Canada's 2050 climate goals.

 

Key Points

A policy to achieve a net-zero electricity grid by 2035, advance renewable energy, cut emissions, and grow jobs.

✅ Net-zero electricity grid target set for 2035

✅ Scales renewable energy and emissions reductions

✅ Focus on jobs, rural connectivity, and diversification

 

Ahead of the NDP’s weekend convention, Alberta’s Opposition leader has committed to transforming the province’s energy sector and moving the province’s electricity grid to net-zero by 2035, despite debate over the federal 2035 net-zero electricity grid target in other provinces, should an orange crush wash over Alberta in the next election.

NDP Leader Rachel Notley said they would achieve this as part of the path towards Canada’s 2050 net-zero emissions goal, aligning with broader clean grids trends, which will help preserve and create jobs in the province.

“I think it’s an important goal. It’s a way of framing the work that we’re going to do within our energy industry and our energy sector, including how Alberta produces and pays for electricity going forward,” said Notley. “We know the world is moving toward different objectives and we still have the ability to lead on that front, but we need to lay down the markers early and focus on reaching those goals.”

Premier Jason Kenney has previously called the 2050 target “aspirational,” and, as the electricity sector faces profound change in Alberta, Notley said, once the work begins, it’s likely they would meet the objective earlier than proposed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that contribute to global warming.

This is just one key issue that will be addressed at the party’s online convention, which is the first since the NDP’s defeat by the UCP in the last provincial election. Notley said other key issues will address economic diversification, economic recovery, job creation and social issues, as Alberta’s electricity market is headed for a reshuffle too. The focus, as she puts it, is “jobs, jobs, jobs.”

Attendees will also debate more than 140 policy resolutions over the weekend, including the development of a safe supply drug policy, banning coal mining in the Rocky Mountains and providing paid sick leave for workers.

Outside the formal agenda, debate over electricity market competition continues in Alberta as stakeholders weigh options.

Notley said an area of growing focus for the NDP will be rural Alberta, which is typically a conservative stronghold. One panel presentation during the convention will focus on connecting and building relationships with rural Albertans and growing the NDP profile in those areas.

“We think that we have a lot to offer rural Alberta and that, quite frankly, the UCP and (Kenney), in particular, have profoundly taken rural Alberta for granted,” she said. “Because of that, we think with a renewed energy amongst our membership to go out to parts of the province where we haven’t been previously as active, and talk about what they have been subjected to in the last two years, that we have huge opportunities there.”

Delegates will be asked to support a call for high-speed internet coverage across Alberta, which would remove barriers to access in rural Alberta and Indigenous communities, said the convention guidebook.

The convention comes as the NDP has a wide lead on the UCP, according to the latest polls. A Leger online survey of 1,001 Albertans conducted between March 5 to 8 found 40 per cent of respondents support the NDP, compared to just 20 per cent for the UCP.

Notley said it’s “encouraging” to see, but they aren’t taking anything for granted.

“I’ve always believed that Alberta Democrats have to work twice as hard as anybody else in the political spectrum, or the political arena,” she said. “So what we’re going to do is continue to do exactly what we have been, not only being a strong and I would argue fearless Opposition, but also trying to match every oppositional position with something that is propositional — offering Albertans a different vision, including an Alberta path to clean electricity where possible.”

 

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Energy prices trigger EU inflation, poor worst hit

EU Energy Price Surge is driving up electricity and gas costs, inflation, and cost of living across the EU, prompting tax cuts, price caps, subsidies, and household support measures in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany.

 

Key Points

A surge in EU gas and electricity costs driving inflation and prompting government subsidies, tax cuts, and price caps.

✅ Low-income EU households now spend 50-70 percent more on energy.

✅ Governments deploy tax cuts, price caps, and direct subsidies.

✅ Gas-dependent power markets drive electricity price spikes.

 

Higher energy prices, including for natural gas, are pushing up electricity prices and the cost of living for households across the EU, prompting governments to cut taxes and provide financial support to the tune of several billion euros.

In the United Kingdom, households are bracing for high winter energy bills this season.

A series of reports published by Cambridge Econometrics in October and November 2022 found that households in EU countries are spending much more on energy than in 2020 and that governments are spending billions of euros to help consumers pay bills and cut taxes.

In France, for example, the poorest households now spend roughly one-third more on energy than in 2020. Between August 2020 and August 2022, household energy prices increased by 37 percent, while overall inflation increased by 9.2 percent.

“We estimate that the increase in household energy prices make an average French household €410 worse off in 2022 compared to 2020, mostly due to higher gas prices,” said the report.

In response to rising energy prices, the French government has adopted price caps and support measures forecast to cost over €71 billion, equivalent to 2.9 percent of French GDP, according to the U.K.-based consultancy.

In Italy, fossil fuels alone were responsible for roughly 30 percent of the country’s annual rate of inflation during spring 2022, according to Cambridge Econometrics. Unlike in other European countries, retail electricity prices have outpaced other energy prices in Italy and were 112 percent higher in July 2022 than in August 2020, the report found. Over the same time period, retail petrol prices were up 14 percent, diesel up 22 percent, and natural gas up 42 percent.

We estimate that households in the lowest-income quintile now spend about 50 percent more on energy than in 2020.

“We estimate that before government support, an average Italian household will be spending around €1,400 more on energy and fuel bills this year than in 2020,” the report said. “Low-income households are worse affected by the increasing energy prices: we estimate that households in the lowest-income quintile now spend about 50 percent more on energy than in 2020.”

Electricity production in Italy is dominated by natural gas, which has also led to a spike in wholesale electricity prices. In 2010, natural gas accounted for 50 percent of all electricity production. The share of natural gas fell to 33 percent in 2014, but then rose again, reaching 48 percent in 2021, and 56 percent in the first half of 2022, according to the report, as gas filled the gap of record low hydro power production in 2022.

In Spain, where electricity prices have seen extreme spikes, low-income households are now spending an estimated 70% more on energy than in 2020, according to Cambridge Econometrics.


Low-income squeeze
In Spain, low-income households are now spending an estimated 70% more on energy than in 2020, according to Cambridge Econometrics. It noted that the Spanish government has intervened heavily in energy markets by cutting taxes, introducing cash transfers for households, and capping the price of natural gas for power generators. The latter has led to lower electricity prices than in many other EU countries.

These support measures are forecast to cost the Spanish government over €35 billion, equivalent to nearly 3 percent of Spain’s GDP. Yet consumers will still feel the burden of higher costs of living, and rolling back electricity prices may prove difficult in the near term.

In March, electricity prices alone were responsible for 45 percent of year-on-year inflation in Spain but prices have since fallen as a result of government intervention, Cambridge Econometrics said. Between May and July, fossil fuels prices accounted for 19-25 percent of the overall inflation rate, and electricity prices for 16 percent.


Support measures
Rising inflation is also a real challenge in Germany, Europe’s largest economy, where German power prices have surged this year, adding pressure. Also there, higher gas prices are to blame.

“We estimate that the increase in energy prices currently make an average household €735 worse off in 2022 compared to 2020, mostly due to higher gas prices,” Cambridge Econometrics said, in a report focused on Germany.

The German government has introduced a number of support measures in order to help households, businesses and industry to pay energy bills, amid rising heating and electricity costs for consumers, including price caps that are expected to take effect in March next year. Moreover, households’ energy bills for December this year will be paid by the state. According to the report, these interventions will mitigate the impact of higher prices “to some extent”, but the aid measures are forecast to cost the government nearly 5 percent of GDP.


Fossil-fuel effect
In addition to gas, higher coal prices have also pushed up inflation in some countries, and U.S. electricity prices have reached multi-decade highs as inflation endures.

In Poland, which is heavily dependent on coal for electricity generation, fossil fuels accounted for roughly 40 percent of Poland’s overall year-on-year inflation rate in June 2022, which stood at over 14 percent, the consultancy said.

The price of household coal, which is widely used in heating Polish homes, increased by 157 percent between August 2021 and August 2022.

Higher energy prices in Poland are partly due to Polish and EU sanctions against Russian gas and coal. Other drivers are the weakening of the Polish zloty against the U.S. dollar and the euro, and the uptick in global demand after COVID-19 lockdowns, said Cambridge Econometrics.

Electricity prices have risen at a much slower pace than energy for transport and heating, with an annualized increase of 5.1 percent.

 

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