Germans and French taking over BritainÂ’s nuclear industry

By The Evening Standard


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They come over here putting their name on our FA Cup and our Test matches… and now they want to build and run our nuclear power stations. Just recently, a consortium of German energy giants E.On and RWE paid £305 million to buy some land in the West Country and Wales.

That land was plots auctioned off by British civil servants next to the near-redundant nuclear power stations of Oldbury on the River Severn and Wylfa on Anglesey.

What E.On and RWE hope they have bought is — pending planning, community and technical consents — the right to build reactors on the two sites capable of producing six gigawatts of nuclear electricity. That is enough power for three million homes.

The German companies may have bought familiarity on the average British sofa by E.On's sponsorship the FA Cup and RWE's backing of Test cricket through its npower household supply arm, but their apparent love affair with the UK has much more to do with the realpolitik of the European energy industry.

Both companies have been in the UK for the last seven years, having bought both halves of the privatized Central Electricity Generating Board power station operator. E.On took over and then rebranded Powergen, and RWE acquired the old National Power, which had morphed into Innogy, trading as npower.

The companies' provenance goes back much further. The product of mergers between formerly state or municipally owned utilities, they have become the number one and number two German power companies. More pertinently, they are behind much of the 30% of German electricity generated by nuclear power stations.

But E.On and RWE are not in the UK on some cross-North Sea outreach initiative: it is because of conditions on the Continent — or more specifically that while the deregulated British market is open to competition and mergers and acquisitions, the rest of Europe is not.

That has seen E.On and RWE npower build up large shares of the UK residential and industrial supply market. The two control some of the largest power installations in the land, and are in the vanguard of next-generation projects such as the controversial “clean coal” station at Kingsnorth in Kent and, with huge subsidies, the would-be construction of the world's largest wind farm in the Thames estuary.

And the reawakening of nuclear in Britain comes at no more opportune time. Their own country — Europe's largest economy but in hock to the power politics of the Greens — has banned the building of new nuclear plants.

In France, E.On and RWE are banned from operating nuclear plants because they are, er, not French. In Britain, Europe's only open market, nuclear is the new growth market and the Germans want a substantial piece of it.

The E.On/RWE joint venture (which is to get a new “brand” soon) is not going to any great lengths to hide that theirs is a German project and not some job creation scheme for wannabe British nuclear engineers.

“We have a history of working together on nuclear in Germany and we will be making the most of our expertise,” said a spokesman for the joint venture. “We will be relying pretty heavily on the parent companies.”

And as always, it seems the Germans have got the best deal. The E.On/RWE commitment to spend and make big returns on £10 billion of investment comes after an initial outlay for its sites of £305 million.

French giant EDF is making a similar £10 billion investment commitment to build more than six gigawatts of new reactor capacity next to the existing nuclear power plants at Sizewell in Suffolk and at Hinkley Point in Somerset.

The difference is that EDF spent £12.5 billion buying the current UK nuclear generator British Energy to secure its sites; a deal that looked expensive at the time for a chronically underperforming UK company, and looks even more expensive compared with the outlay of E.On/RWE.

There is much talk that EDF now needs to get some of its money back, and word is that it might sell its network of tens of thousands of miles of cables and power lines providing electricity thoughout London, the South-East and East Anglia.

It also hopes to find buyers for land it owns at Bradwell in Essex and Dungeness in Kent to sell to another new entrant to the UK nuclear market.

With no sign of interest from Swedish nuclear outfit Vattenfall, that other entrant will be another French giant GDF Suez which with partner Iberdrola, the Spanish group that owns Scottish Power, was outbid for Wylfa and Oldbury.

However, the indications are that the GDF consortium may not be interested in EDF's offcuts as it expects to land a bid to build new reactors next to Sellafield in Cumbria.

If all the plans of EDF, E.On, RWE and GDF come to pass, that would mean the UK has commitments to have more than 15 gigawatts of nuclear energy up and running from about 2020. That is around 30% of the nation's daily electricity consumption and the highest proportion ever from nuclear.

And none of it British-owned. But then we are all Europeans now, nein?

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Restrict price charged for gas and electricity - British MPs

UK Energy Price Cap aims to protect consumers on gas and electricity bills, tackling Big Six overcharging on default and standard variable tariffs, with Ofgem and MPs pushing urgent reforms to the broken market.

 

Key Points

A temporary absolute limit on default energy tariffs to shield consumers from overcharging on gas and electricity bills.

✅ Caps standard variable and default tariffs to protect loyalty.

✅ Targets Big Six pricing; oversight by Ofgem and BEIS MPs.

✅ Aims for winter protection while maintaining competition.

 

MPs are calling for a cap on the price of gas and electricity, with questions over the expected cost of a UK price cap amid fears consumers are being ripped off.

The Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) Select Committee says the Big Six energy companies have been overcharging for years.

MPs on the committee backed plans for a temporary absolute cap, noting debates over EU gas price cap strategies to fix what they called a "broken" energy market.

Labour's Rachel Reeves, who chairs the committee, said: "The energy market is broken. Energy is an essential good and yet millions of customers are ripped off for staying loyal to their energy provider.

"An energy price cap is now necessary and the Government must act urgently to ensure it is in place to protect customers next winter.

"The Big Six energy companies might whine and wail about the introduction of a price cap but they've been overcharging their customers on default and SVTs (standard variable tariffs) for years and their recent feeble efforts to move consumers off these tariffs has only served to highlight the need for this intervention."

The Committee also criticised Ofgem for failing to protect customers, especially the most vulnerable.

Draft legislation for an absolute cap on energy tariffs was published by the Government last year, and later developments like the Energy Security Bill have kept reform on the agenda.

But Business Secretary Greg Clark refused to guarantee that the flagship plans would be in place by next winter, despite warnings about high winter energy costs for households.

Committee members said there was a "clear lack of will" on the part of the Big Six to do what was necessary, including exploring decoupling gas and electricity prices, to deal with pricing problems.

A report from the committee found that customers are paying £1.4bn a year more than they should be under the current system.

Around 12 million households are stuck on poor-value tariffs, according to the report.

National assistance charity Citizens Advice said "loyal and vulnerable" customers had been "ripped off" for too long.

Chief executive Gillian Guy said: "An absolute cap, as recommended by the committee, is crucial to securing protection for the largest number of customers while continuing to provide competition in the market. This should apply to all default tariffs."

 

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Paying for electricity in India: Power theft can't be business as usual

India Power Sector Payment Crisis strains utilities with electricity theft, discom arrears, coal dues, and subsidy burdens, triggering outages, load-shedding, and tariff stress as record heatwave demand tests grid reliability, billing compliance, and infrastructure upgrades.

 

Key Points

Linked payment shortfalls, theft, and subsidies driving arrears, outages, and planning gaps across Indias power grid.

✅ Discom arrears surpass Rs 1 lakh crore, straining cash flow

✅ Coal India unpaid, fuel risk rises and tariffs face pressure

✅ Outages and load-shedding worsen amid heatwave demand spike

 

India is among the world leaders in losing money to electricity theft. The country’s power sector also has a peculiar pattern of entities selling without getting the money on time, or nothing at all, while Manitoba Hydro debt highlights similar strains elsewhere. Coal India is owed about Rs 12,300 crore by power generation companies, which themselves have not been paid over Rs 1 lakh crore by distribution companies. The figures of losses suffered by discoms are much higher, even as UK network profits have drawn criticism, underscoring divergent market outcomes. The circuit does get completed somehow, but the uneven transaction, which defies business sense, introduces a disruptive strand that limits the scope for any future planning. Regular and unannounced shutdowns become the norm as the power supply falls short of demand, which this time is expected to touch record highs of 215-220 gigawatts amid the scorching heatwave, and cases like deferred BC Hydro costs illustrate how financial pressures accumulate.

In debt-ridden Punjab, the power subsidy bill is over Rs 10,000 crore, a large portion of which serves farmers. The AAP government plans to provide free electricity up to 300 units for every household from July 1, even as power bill cuts in Thailand show alternative approaches to affordability. The generous giveaways cannot camouflage the state of affairs. Thirty-three government departments had outstanding electricity bills of Rs 62 crore as on March 31, the end of the last financial year. With arrears of Rs 22.48 crore, the biggest defaulter was the Water and Sanitation Department. According to the Punjab State Power Corporation Limited, around 40 police stations and posts have been found to be stealing power or failing to clear the bills, while utility impersonation scams target consumers elsewhere. Customary warnings have been issued of snapping supply if the dues are not paid, even as utility penalties for disconnection delays underscore enforcement challenges, but ‘public interest’ and ‘essential services’ will ensure that such an eventuality does not arise.

The substantial fine imposed on a dera stealing power in Tarn Taran, along with the registration of an FIR, is exemplary action that needs to be carried forward. Change is tough, but a new way of working begins with those in positions of power leading by example, be it fixing the payment mechanism, upgrading infrastructure with smart grid initiatives in mind, minimising the use of electricity or a gradual switch to alternative energy sources.

 

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Biden's Announcement of a 100% Tariff on Chinese-Made Electric Vehicles

U.S. 100% Tariff on Chinese EVs aims to protect domestic manufacturing, counter subsidies, and reshape the EV market, but could raise prices, disrupt supply chains, invite retaliation, and complicate climate policy and trade relations.

 

Key Points

A 100% import duty on Chinese EVs to boost U.S. manufacturing, counter subsidies, and address supply chain risks.

✅ Protects domestic EV manufacturing and jobs

✅ Counters alleged subsidies and IP concerns

✅ May raise prices, limit choice, trigger retaliation

 

President Joe Biden's administration recently made headlines with its announcement of a 100% tariff on Chinese electric vehicles (EVs), marking a significant escalation in trade tensions between the two economic powerhouses. The decision, framed as a measure to protect American industries and promote domestic manufacturing, has sparked debates over its potential impact on the EV market, global supply chains, and bilateral relations between the United States and China.

The imposition of a 100% tariff on Chinese-made EVs reflects the Biden administration's broader efforts to revitalize the American automotive industry and promote the transition to electric vehicles as part of its climate agenda and tighter EPA emissions rules that could accelerate adoption. By imposing tariffs on imported EVs, particularly those from China, the administration aims to incentivize domestic production and create jobs in the growing green economy, and to secure critical EV metals through allied supply efforts. Additionally, the tariff is seen as a response to concerns about unfair trade practices, including intellectual property theft and market distortions, allegedly perpetuated by Chinese companies.

However, the announcement has triggered a range of reactions from various stakeholders, with both proponents and critics offering contrasting perspectives on the potential consequences of such a policy. Proponents argue that the tariff will help level the playing field for American automakers, who face stiff competition from Chinese companies benefiting from government subsidies and lower production costs. They contend that promoting domestic manufacturing of EVs will not only create high-quality jobs but also enhance national security by reducing dependence on foreign supply chains at a time when an EV inflection point is approaching.

On the other hand, critics warn that the 100% tariff on Chinese-made EVs could have unintended consequences, including higher prices for consumers, as seen in the UK EV prices and Brexit debate, disruptions to global supply chains, and retaliatory measures from China. Chinese EV manufacturers, such as NIO, BYD, and XPeng, have been gaining momentum in the global market, offering competitive products at relatively affordable prices. The tariff could limit consumer choice at a time when U.S. EV market share dipped in Q1 2024, potentially slowing the adoption of electric vehicles and undermining efforts to combat climate change and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Moreover, the tariff announcement comes at a sensitive time for U.S.-China relations, which have been strained by various issues, including trade disputes, human rights concerns, and geopolitical tensions. The imposition of tariffs on Chinese-made EVs could further exacerbate bilateral tensions, potentially leading to retaliatory measures from China and escalating trade frictions. As the world's two largest economies, the United States and China have significant economic interdependencies, and any escalation in trade tensions could have far-reaching implications for global trade and economic stability.

In response to the Biden administration's announcement, Chinese officials have expressed concerns and called for dialogue to resolve trade disputes through negotiation and mutual cooperation. China has also emphasized its commitment to fair trade practices and compliance with international rules and regulations governing trade.

Moving forward, the Biden administration faces the challenge of balancing its domestic priorities with the need to maintain constructive engagement with China and other trading partners, even as EV charging networks scale under its electrification push. While promoting domestic manufacturing and protecting American industries are legitimate policy goals, achieving them without disrupting global trade and undermining diplomatic relations requires careful deliberation and strategic foresight.

In conclusion, President Biden's announcement of a 100% tariff on Chinese-made electric vehicles reflects his administration's commitment to revitalizing American industries and promoting domestic manufacturing. However, the decision has raised concerns about its potential impact on the EV market, global supply chains, and U.S.-China relations. As policymakers navigate these complexities, finding a balance between protecting domestic interests and fostering international cooperation will be crucial to achieving sustainable economic growth and addressing global challenges such as climate change.

 

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Are Norwegian energy firms ‘best in class’ for environmental management?

CO2 Tax for UK Offshore Energy Efficiency can accelerate adoption of aero-derivative gas turbines, flare gas recovery, and combined cycle power, reducing emissions on platforms like Equinor's Mariner and supporting net zero goals.

 

Key Points

A carbon price pushing operators to adopt efficient turbines, flare recovery, and combined cycle to cut emissions.

✅ Aero-derivative turbines beat industrial units on efficiency

✅ Flare gas recovery cuts routine flaring and fuel waste

✅ Combined cycle raises efficiency and lowers emissions

 

By Tom Baxter

The recent Energy Voice article from the Equinor chairman concerning the Mariner project heralding a ‘significant point of reference’ for growth highlighted the energy efficiency achievements associated with the platform.

I view energy efficiency as a key enabler to net zero, and alongside this the UK must start large-scale storage to meet system needs; it is a topic I have been involved with for many years.

As part of my energy efficiency work, I investigated Norwegian practices and compared them with the UK.

There were many differences, here are three;


1. Power for offshore installations is usually supplied from gas turbines burning fuel from the oil and gas processing plant, and even as the UK's offshore wind supply accelerates, installations convert that to electricity or couple the gas turbine to a machine such as a gas compressor.

There are two main generic types of gas turbine – aero-derivative and industrial. As the name implies aero-derivatives are aviation engines used in a static environment. Aero-derivative turbines are designed to be energy efficient as that is very import for the aviation industry.

Not so with industrial type gas turbines; they are typically 5-10% less efficient than a comparable aero-derivative.

Industrial machines do have some advantages – they can be cheaper, require less frequent maintenance, they have a wide fuel composition tolerance and they can be procured within a shorter time frame.

My comparison showed that aero-derivative machines prevailed in Norway because of the energy efficiency advantages – not the case in the UK where there are many more offshore industrial gas turbines.

Tom Baxter is visiting professor of chemical engineering at Strathclyde University and a retired technical director at Genesis Oil and Gas Consultants


2. Offshore gas flaring is probably the most obvious source of inefficient use of energy with consequent greenhouse gas emissions.

On UK installations gas is always flared due to the design of the oil and gas processing plant.

Though not a large quantity of gas, a continuous flow of gas is routinely sent to flare from some of the process plant.

In addition the flare requires pilot flames to be maintained burning at all times and, while Europe explores electricity storage in gas pipes, a purge of hydrocarbon gas is introduced into the pipes to prevent unsafe air ingress that could lead to an explosive mixture.

On many Norwegian installations the flare system is designed differently. Flare gas recovery systems are deployed which results in no flaring during continuous operations.

Flare gas recovery systems improve energy efficiency but they are costly and add additional operational complexity.


3. Returning to gas turbines, all UK offshore gas turbines are open cycle – gas is burned to produce energy and the very hot exhaust gases are vented to the atmosphere. Around 60 -70% of the energy is lost in the exhaust gases.

Some UK fields use this hot gas as a heat source for some of the oil and gas treatment operations hence improving energy efficiency.

There is another option for gas turbines that will significantly improve energy efficiency – combined cycle, and in parallel plans for nuclear power under the green industrial revolution aim to decarbonise supply.

Here the exhaust gases from an open cycle machine are taken to a separate turbine. This additional turbine utilises exhaust heat to produce steam with the steam used to drive a second turbine to generate supplementary electricity. It is the system used in most UK power stations, even as UK low-carbon generation stalled in 2019 across the grid.

Open cycle gas turbines are around 30 – 40% efficient whereas combined cycle turbines are typically 50 – 60%. Clearly deploying a combined cycle will result in a huge greenhouse gas saving.

I have worked on the development of many UK oil and gas fields and combined cycle has rarely been considered.

The reason being is that, despite the clear energy saving, they are too costly and complex to justify deploying offshore.

However that is not the case in Norway where combined cycle is used on Oseberg, Snorre and Eldfisk.

What makes the improved Norwegian energy efficiency practices different from the UK – the answer is clear; the Norwegian CO2 tax.

A tax that makes CO2 a significant part of offshore operating costs.

The consequence being that deploying energy efficient technology is much easier to justify in Norway when compared to the UK.

Do we need a CO2 tax in the UK to meet net zero – I am convinced we do. I am in good company. BP, Shell, ExxonMobil and Total are supporting a carbon tax.

Not without justification there has been much criticism of Labour’s recent oil tax plans, alongside proposals for state-owned electricity generation that aim to reshape the power market.

To my mind Labour’s laudable aims to tackle the Climate Emergency would be much better served by supporting a CO2 tax that complements the UK's coal-free energy record by strengthening renewable investment.

 

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TTC Introduces Battery Electric Buses

TTC Battery-Electric Buses lead Toronto transit toward zero-emission mobility, improving air quality and climate goals with sustainable operations, advanced charging infrastructure, lower maintenance, energy efficiency, and reliable public transportation across the Toronto Transit Commission network.

 

Key Points

TTC battery-electric buses are zero-emission vehicles improving quality, lowering costs, and providing efficient service.

✅ Zero tailpipe emissions improve urban air quality

✅ Lower maintenance and energy costs increase savings

✅ Charging infrastructure enables reliable operations

 

The Toronto Transit Commission (TTC) has embarked on an exciting new chapter in its commitment to sustainability with the introduction of battery-electric buses to its fleet. This strategic move not only highlights the TTC's dedication to reducing its environmental impact but also positions Toronto as a leader in the evolution of public transportation. As cities worldwide strive for greener solutions, the TTC’s initiative stands as a significant milestone toward a more sustainable urban future.

Embracing Green Technology

The decision to integrate battery-electric buses into Toronto's transit system aligns with a growing trend among urban centers to adopt cleaner, more efficient technologies, including Metro Vancouver electric buses now in service. With climate change posing urgent challenges, transit authorities are rethinking their operations to foster cleaner air and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The TTC’s new fleet of battery-electric buses represents a proactive approach to addressing these concerns, aiming to create a cleaner, healthier environment for all Torontonians.

Battery-electric buses operate without producing tailpipe emissions, and deployments like Edmonton's first electric bus illustrate this shift, offering a stark contrast to traditional diesel-powered vehicles. This transition is crucial for improving air quality in urban areas, where transportation is a leading source of air pollution. By choosing electric options, the TTC not only enhances the city’s air quality but also contributes to the global effort to combat climate change.

Economic and Operational Advantages

Beyond environmental benefits, battery-electric buses present significant economic advantages. Although the initial investment for electric buses may be higher than that for conventional diesel buses, and broader adoption challenges persist, the long-term savings are substantial. Electric buses have lower operating costs due to reduced fuel expenses and less frequent maintenance requirements. The electric propulsion system generally involves fewer moving parts than traditional engines, resulting in lower overall maintenance costs and improved service reliability.

Moreover, the increased efficiency of electric buses translates into reduced energy consumption. Electric buses convert a larger proportion of energy from the grid into motion, minimizing waste and optimizing operational effectiveness. This not only benefits the TTC financially but also enhances the overall experience for riders by providing a more reliable and punctual service.

Infrastructure Development

To support the introduction of battery-electric buses, the TTC is also investing in necessary infrastructure upgrades, including the installation of charging stations throughout the city. These charging facilities are essential for ensuring that the electric fleet can operate smoothly and efficiently. By strategically placing charging stations at transit hubs and along bus routes, the TTC aims to create a seamless transition for both operators and riders.

This infrastructure development is critical not just for the operational capacity of the electric buses but also for fostering public confidence in this new technology, and consistent safety measures such as the TTC's winter safety policy on lithium-ion devices reinforce that trust. As the TTC rolls out these vehicles, clear communication regarding their operational logistics, including charging times and routes, will be essential to inform and engage the community.

Engaging the Community

The TTC is committed to engaging with Toronto’s diverse communities throughout the rollout of its battery-electric bus program. Community outreach initiatives will help educate residents about the benefits of electric transit, addressing any concerns and building public support, and will also discuss emerging alternatives like Mississauga fuel cell buses in the region. Informational campaigns, workshops, and public forums will provide opportunities for dialogue, allowing residents to voice their opinions and learn more about the technology.

This engagement is vital for ensuring that the transition is not just a top-down initiative but a collaborative effort that reflects the needs and interests of the community. By fostering a sense of ownership among residents, the TTC can cultivate support for its sustainable transit goals.

A Vision for the Future

The TTC’s introduction of battery-electric buses marks a transformative moment in Toronto’s public transit landscape. This initiative exemplifies the commission's broader vision of creating a more sustainable, efficient, and user-friendly transportation network. As the city continues to grow, the need for innovative solutions to urban mobility challenges becomes increasingly critical.

By embracing electric technology, the TTC is setting an example for other transit agencies across Canada and beyond, and piloting driverless EV shuttles locally underscores that leadership. This initiative is not just about introducing new vehicles; it is about reimagining public transportation in a way that prioritizes environmental responsibility and community engagement. As Toronto moves forward, the integration of battery-electric buses will play a crucial role in shaping a cleaner, greener future for urban transit, ultimately benefitting residents and the planet alike.

 

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Hungary's Quiet Alliance with Russia in Europe's Energy Landscape

Hungary's Russian Energy Dependence underscores EU tensions, as TurkStream gas flows, discounted imports, and pipeline reliance challenge sanctions, energy security, diversification, and decoupling goals amid Ukraine war pressures and bloc unity concerns.

 

Key Points

It is Hungary's reliance on Russian gas and oil via TurkStream, complicating EU sanctions and energy independence.

✅ 85% gas, 60% oil imports from Russia via TurkStream pipelines.

✅ Discounted contracts seldom cut bills; security cited by Budapest.

✅ EU decoupling targets hampered; sanctions leverage and unity erode.

 

Hungary's energy policies have positioned it as a notable outlier within the European Union, particularly in the context of the ongoing geopolitical tensions stemming from Russia's invasion of Ukraine. While the EU has been actively working to reduce its dependence on Russian energy sources through an EU $300 billion plan to dump Russian energy, Hungary has maintained and even strengthened its energy ties with Moscow, raising concerns about EU unity and the effectiveness of sanctions.

Strategic Energy Dependence

Hungary's energy infrastructure is heavily reliant on Russian supplies. Approximately 85% of Hungary's natural gas and more than 60% of its oil imports originate from Russia. This dependence is facilitated through pipelines such as TurkStream, which delivers Russian gas to Hungary via Turkey and the Balkans amid Europe's energy nightmare over price volatility and security. In 2025, Hungary's gas imports through TurkStream are projected to reach 8 billion cubic meters, a significant increase from previous years. These imports are often secured at discounted rates, although such savings may not always be passed on to Hungarian consumers.

Political and Economic Considerations

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has been a vocal critic of EU sanctions against Russia and has consistently blocked EU initiatives aimed at providing military aid to Ukraine, even as Ukraine leans on power imports to keep the lights on. His government argues that Russia's military capabilities make it an unyielding adversary and that a ceasefire would only solidify its territorial gains. Orbán's stance has led to Hungary's isolation within the EU on matters related to the conflict in Ukraine.

Economically, Hungary's reliance on Russian energy has been justified by the government as a means to maintain low energy prices for consumers and ensure energy security. However, critics argue that this strategy undermines EU efforts to achieve energy independence and reduces the bloc's leverage over Russia amid a global energy war marked by price hikes and instability.

EU's Response and Challenges

The European Union has set ambitious goals to reduce its reliance on Russian energy, aiming to halt imports of Russian natural gas by the end of 2027 and prohibit new contracts starting in 2025 while exploring gas price cap strategies to contain market volatility. However, Hungary's continued imports of Russian energy complicate these efforts. The TurkStream pipeline, in particular, has become a focal point in discussions about the EU's energy strategy, as it enables ongoing Russian gas exports to Europe despite the bloc's broader decoupling initiatives.

Hungary's actions have raised concerns among other EU member states about the effectiveness of the sanctions regime and the potential for other countries to exploit similar loopholes. There are calls for stricter policies, including banning spot gas purchases and enforcing traceability of gas origins, and consideration of emergency measures to limit electricity prices to ensure genuine energy independence and reduce overreliance on external suppliers.

Hungary's steadfast energy relationship with Russia presents a significant challenge to the European Union's collective efforts to reduce dependence on Russian energy sources. While Hungary argues that its energy strategy is in the national interest, it risks undermining EU solidarity and the bloc's broader geopolitical objectives. As the EU continues to navigate its energy transition and response to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, including energy ceasefire violations reported by both sides, Hungary's position will remain a critical point of contention within the union.

 

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