Pickens' energy plan isn't powered by details

By Seattle Post-Intelligencer


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T. Boone Pickens describes himself as an oil-and-gas man, but what he has really been adept at producing over the years are attention and ruckus, with him at the center of both.

Back in his corporate raiding days in the 1980s, his takeover bids for Gulf, Phillips and Unocal generated so much attention and ruckus that just the suggestion that Pickens might take a run at The Boeing Co. was enough to scare the Washington Legislature into special session to enact a bill to thwart such hostile threats.

Pickens is back in the headlines, on television – and in a forum he didn't have 20 years ago, the Internet – to promote an energy plan called, surprisingly enough, the Pickens Plan. The decisive and bold plan (his characterization), he says, is a national call to action at a time of crisis to break the reliance on foreign oil and provide "cleaner, cheaper and domestic energy resources."

The details and components of the Pickens Plan?

More wind power to generate electricity. And natural gas as a motor fuel.

That's it.

That's it?

Cue your favorite sound effect at this point – chirping crickets or nervous throat-clearing and paper rustling. At some point, the uncomfortable quiet will have to be broken by someone pointing out a few, shall we say, nuances and complications to such a straightforward proposal.

First, it's not as though neither idea occurred to anyone before Pickens enlightened us. The taxi you ride from Sea-Tac to downtown is likely powered by natural gas. Truck manufacturer Paccar plans to build liquefied- natural-gas heavy-duty trucks at its Kenworth Renton plant next year.

Extensive wind farms with hundreds of turbines are already generating electricity in Eastern Washington and Oregon. More are coming.

Second, there's the little matter of getting the energy to its user. Pickens envisions planting a swath of the Midwest and Great Plains, from North Dakota to Texas, with wind turbines (to illustrate why there, the Pickens Plan Web site uses a map from Seattle-based 3Tier, which assesses wind, solar and hydro potential). But that's not where the people are. Getting the electricity to them will cost hundreds of billions on top of the $1 trillion bill for the wind farms (those estimates are from the Pickens Plan, which maintains that it's a bargain compared with the tab for foreign oil).

The attraction of gasoline as a motor fuel is that the distribution system, built over decades, is already in place. Natural gas works decently for motor vehicles for fleets that operate from a central dispatching and refueling center. Maybe one day we'll have car refueling ports in our home, connected to the same lines that supply our furnaces and water heaters. But those will cost someone money, as will refueling stations, should we want to venture out a ways.

Leaving aside those issues (and a trillion bucks is a lot to set aside), we come to the small matter of whether we'll have enough wind or natural gas to do what will be asked of them.

For natural gas, the issue is supply. Some in the energy industry, such as Puget Sound Energy Chief Executive Steve Reynolds, have been warning that natural gas supplies just for the uses we've got now – home water and space heating, industry, electricity production and a small bit of transportation - are thin enough as they are. "On a world basis there is plenty of natural gas available for an extended period of time," he says. "Whether there is in North America is another question."

True, there's a lot of gas in Alaska (provided it can get to the Lower 48, and there's that pesky issue of expensive infrastructure again) and western Canada. But Reynolds says those supplies will at best offset the decline in production from current U.S. reserves.

The most promising relief from tighter supplies and volatile prices, he says, are imports of liquefied natural gas. Provided, of course, you can build LNG terminals, no easy feat, as recent bruising battles in Oregon have suggested.

For wind, the issue is availability. For an illustration of the problem, drive up to Puget's new visitor center at its Wild Horse wind farm 16 miles east of Ellensburg.

At midmorning on a recent bright summer day, the center offered a sweeping view of the installation's 127 turbines – only a handful of which were turning, none at sufficient speeds to generate electricity (the turbines work at wind speeds of 9 to 55 miles per hour, Puget says).

Later in the day, the utility reports, the wind picks up considerably and the electricity flows. That's great, if that's the time of day you happen to want power. If you'd like it at other hours, you're going to need something else.

In the Northwest, that something else is the hydro system. But it's also natural gas, the very fuel the Pickens Plan wants to divert from electricity generation to motor vehicles.

"You run the wind when you can, just like we run the hydro when we can because the incremental cost is very low," Reynolds says. "But then you have to be concerned about the reliability of the system, and that you're protected and that you can meet loads when you lose your lower-cost and volatile resource."

That's why Puget is investing in both wind and natural gas. Taking natural gas out of the electricity business "would be nice if there were alternatives," Reynolds says, but for now it's the best option.

Is there a good long-term alternative? "We're all looking for it," Reynolds says. "That's why we've got the solar panels" now being installed at Wild Horse.

At least the Northwest has the hydro option. If other parts of the country are gong to rely more heavily on wind, what are they going to "firm up" that power with, if not natural gas? Some out-of-favor fuel such as coal or nuclear?

The most workable and affordable energy plan is one that throws in pieces of everything, from increased oil and gas exploration and production to increased conservation and efficiency in heating and transportation to multiple fuels and power sources for vehicles and electricity generation, old and new (wind, solar, tidal, geothermal, biofuels, even new coal technologies and a nuke or two).

Such an approach doesn't make for flashy advertising campaigns or snappy slogans. It will have to do, though, until the technology arrives to convert Pickens' ability to generate near inexhaustible amounts of attention, hype and publicity into a similarly inexhaustible resource for generating electricity and motor-vehicle fuel.

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Power Outages to Mitigate Wildfire Risks

Colorado Wildfire Power Shutoffs reduce ignition risk through PSPS, grid safety protocols, data-driven forecasts, and emergency coordination, protecting communities, natural resources, and infrastructure during extreme fire weather fueled by drought and climate change.

 

Key Points

Planned PSPS outages cut power in high-risk areas to prevent ignitions, protect residents, and boost wildfire resilience.

✅ PSPS triggered by forecasts, fuel moisture, and fire danger indices.

✅ Utilities coordinate alerts, timelines, and critical facility support.

✅ Paired with forest management, education, and rapid response.

 

Colorado, known for its stunning landscapes and outdoor recreation, has implemented proactive measures to reduce the risk of wildfires by strategically shutting off power in high-risk areas, similar to PG&E wildfire shutoffs implemented in California during extreme conditions. This approach, while disruptive, aims to safeguard communities, protect natural resources, and mitigate the devastating impacts of wildfires that have become increasingly prevalent in the region.

The decision to initiate power outages as a preventative measure against wildfires underscores Colorado's commitment to proactive fire management and public safety, aligning with utility disaster planning practices that strengthen grid readiness. With climate change contributing to hotter and drier conditions, the state faces heightened wildfire risks, necessitating innovative strategies to minimize ignition sources and limit fire spread.

Utility companies, in collaboration with state and local authorities, identify areas at high risk of wildfire based on factors such as weather forecasts, fuel moisture levels, and historical fire data. When conditions reach critical thresholds, planned power outages, also known as Public Safety Power Shutoffs (PSPS), are implemented to reduce the likelihood of electrical equipment sparking wildfires during periods of extreme fire danger, particularly during windstorm-driven outages that elevate ignition risks.

While power outages are a necessary precautionary measure, they can pose challenges for residents, businesses, and essential services that rely on uninterrupted electricity, as seen when a North Seattle outage affected thousands last year. To mitigate disruptions, utility companies communicate outage schedules in advance, provide updates during outages, and coordinate with emergency services to ensure the safety and well-being of affected communities.

The implementation of PSPS is part of a broader strategy to enhance wildfire resilience in Colorado. In addition to reducing ignition risks from power lines, the state invests in forest management practices, wildfire prevention education, and emergency response capabilities, including continuity planning seen in the U.S. grid COVID-19 response, to prepare for and respond to wildfires effectively.

Furthermore, Colorado's approach to wildfire prevention highlights the importance of community preparedness and collaboration, and utilities across the region adopt measures like FortisAlberta precautions to sustain critical services during emergencies. Residents are encouraged to create defensible space around their properties, develop emergency evacuation plans, and stay informed about wildfire risks and response protocols. Community engagement plays a crucial role in building resilience and fostering a collective effort to protect lives, property, and natural habitats from wildfires.

The effectiveness of Colorado's proactive measures in mitigating wildfire risks relies on a balanced approach that considers both short-term safety measures and long-term fire prevention strategies. By integrating technology, data-driven decision-making, and community partnerships, the state aims to reduce the frequency and severity of wildfires while enhancing overall resilience to wildfire impacts.

Looking ahead, Colorado continues to refine its wildfire management practices in response to evolving environmental conditions and community needs, drawing on examples of localized readiness such as PG&E winter storm preparation to inform response planning. This includes ongoing investments in fire detection and monitoring systems, research into fire behavior and prevention strategies, and collaboration with neighboring states and federal agencies to coordinate wildfire response efforts.

In conclusion, Colorado's decision to implement power outages as a preventative measure against wildfires demonstrates proactive leadership in wildfire risk reduction and public safety. By prioritizing early intervention and community engagement, the state strives to safeguard vulnerable areas, minimize the impact of wildfires, and foster resilience in the face of increasing wildfire threats. As Colorado continues to innovate and adapt its wildfire management strategies, its efforts serve as a model for other regions grappling with the challenges posed by climate change and wildfire risks.

 

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TVA faces federal scrutiny over climate goals, electricity rates

TVA Rates and Renewable Energy Scrutiny spotlights electricity rates, distributed energy resources, solar and wind deployment, natural gas plans, grid access charges, energy efficiency cuts, and House oversight of lobbying, FERC inquiries, and least-cost planning.

 

Key Points

A congressional probe into TVA pricing and practices affecting renewables, energy efficiency, and climate goals.

✅ House panel probes TVA rates, DER and solar policies.

✅ Efficiency programs cut; least-cost planning questioned.

✅ Inquiry on lobbying, hidden fees; FERC scrutiny.

 

The Tennessee Valley Authority is facing federal scrutiny about its electricity rates and climate action, amid ongoing debates over network profits in other markets.

Members of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce are “requesting information” from TVA about its ratepayer bills and “out of concern” that TVA is interfering with the deployment of renewable and distributed energy resources, even as companies such as Tesla explore electricity retail to expand customer options.

“The Committee is concerned that TVA’s business practices are inconsistent with these statutory requirements to the disadvantage of TVA’s ratepayers and the environment,” the committee said in a letter to TVA CEO Jeffrey Lyash.

The four committee members — U.S. Reps. Frank Pallone, Jr. (D-NJ), Bobby L. Rush (D-IL), Diana DeGette (D-CO), and Paul Tonko (D-NY) — suggested that Tennessee Valley residents pay too much for electricity despite TVA’s relatively low rates, even as regulators have, in other cases, scrutinized mergers like the Hydro One-Avista deal to safeguard ratepayers, underscoring similar concerns. In 2020, Tennessee residents had electric bills higher than the national average, while low-income residents in Memphis have historically faced one of the highest energy burdens in the U.S.

In 2018, TVA reduced its wholesale rate while adding a grid access charge on local power companies—and interfered with the adoption of solar energy. Internal TVA documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by the Energy and Policy Institute revealed that TVA permitted local power companies to impose new fees on distributed solar generation to “lessen the potential decrease in TVA load that may occur through the adoption of [behind the meter] generation.”

Additionally, the committee said TVA is not prioritizing energy conservation and efficiency or “least-cost planning” that includes renewables, as seen in oversight such as the OEB's Hydro One rates decision emphasizing cost allocation. TVA reduced its energy efficiency programs by nearly two-thirds between 2014 and 2018 and cut its energy efficiency customer incentive programs.

At this time, TVA has not aligned its long-term planning with the Biden administration’s goal to achieve a carbon-free electricity sector by 2035. TVA’s generation mix, which is roughly 60% carbon-free, comprises 39% nuclear, 19% coal, 26% natural gas, 11% hydro, 3% wind and solar, and 1% energy efficiency programs, according to TVA.

The committee is “greatly concerned that TVA has invested comparatively little to date in deploying solar and wind energy, while at the same time considering investments in new natural gas generation.”

TVA has announced plans to shutter the Kingston and Cumberland coal plants and is evaluating whether to replace this generation with natural gas, which is a fossil fuel, while debates over grid privatization raise questions about consumer benefits. TVA’s coal and natural gas plants represent most of the largest sources of greenhouses emissions in Tennessee.

TVA responded with a statement without directly addressing the committee’s concerns. TVA said its “developing and implementing emerging technologies to drive toward net-zero emissions by 2050.”

The final question that the House committee posed is whether TVA is funding any political activity. In 2019, the committee questioned TVA about its membership to the now-disbanded Utility Air Regulatory Group, a coalition that was involved in over 200 lawsuits that primarily fought Clear Air Act regulations.

TVA revealed that it had contributed $7.3 million to the industry lobbying group since 2001. Since TVA doesn’t have shareholders, customers paid for UARG membership fees, echoing findings that deferred utility costs burden customers in other jurisdictions. An Office of the Inspector General investigation couldn’t prove whether TVA’s contributions directly funded litigation because UARG didn’t have a line-by-line accounting of what they did with TVA’s dollars.

The congressional committee questioned whether TVA is still paying for lobbying or litigation that opposes “public health and welfare regulations.”

This last question follows a recent trend of questioning utilities about “hidden fees.” In December, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission issued a Notice of Inquiry to examine how bills from investor-owned utilities might contain fees that fund political activity, and regulators have penalized firms like NT Power over customer notice practices, highlighting consumer protection. The Center for Biological Diversity filed a petition to protect electric and gas customers of investor-owned utilities from paying these fees, which may be used for lobbying, campaign-related donations and litigation.

 

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Energy freedom and solar’s strategy for the South

South Carolina Energy Freedom Act lifts net metering caps, reforms PURPA, and overhauls utility planning to boost solar competition, grid resiliency, and consumer choice across the Southeast amid Santee Cooper debt and utility monopoly pressure.

 

Key Points

A bipartisan reform lifting net metering caps, modernizing PURPA, and updating utility planning to expand solar.

✅ Lifts net metering cap to accelerate rooftop and community solar.

✅ Reforms PURPA contracts to enable fair pricing and transparent procurement.

✅ Modernizes utility IRP and opens markets to competition and customer choice.

 

The South Carolina House has approved the latest version of the Energy Freedom Act, a bill that overhauls the state’s electricity policies, including lifting the net metering caps and reforming PURPA implementation and utility planning processes in a way that advocates say levels the playing field for solar at all scales.

With Governor Henry McMaster (R) expected to sign the bill shortly, this is a major coup not just for solar in the state, but the region. This is particularly notable given the struggle that solar has had just to gain footing in many parts of the South, which is dominated by powerful utility monopolies and conservative politicians.

Two days ago when the bill passed the Senate we covered the details of the policy, but today we’re going to take a look at the politics of getting the Energy Freedom Act passed, and what this means for other Southern states and “red” states.

 

Opportunity amid crisis

The first thing to note about this bill is that it comes within a crisis in South Carolina’s electricity sector. This was the first legislative session following state-run utility Santee Cooper’s formal abandonment of a project to build two new reactors at the Virgil C. Sumner nuclear power plant, on which work stopped nearly two years ago.

Santee Cooper still holds $4 billion in construction debt related to the nuclear projects. According to an article in The State, this is costing its customers $5 per month toward the current debt, and this will rise to $13 per month for the next 40 years.

Such costs are particularly unwelcome in South Carolina, which has the highest annual electricity bills in the nation due to a combination of very high electricity usage driven by widespread air conditioning during the hot summers and higher prices per unit of power than other Southern states.

Following this fiasco, Santee Cooper’s CEO has stepped down, and the state government is currently considering selling the utility to a private entity. According to Maggie Clark, southeast state affairs senior manager for Solar Energy Industries Association, all of this set the stage for the bill that passed today.

“South Carolina is in a really ripe state for transformational energy policy in the wake of the VC Sumner nuclear plant cancellation,” Clark told pv magazine. “They were looking for a way forward, and I think this bill really provided them something to champion.”

 

Renewable energy policy for red states

This major win for solar policy comes in a state where the Republican Party holds majorities in both houses of the state’s legislature and sends bills to a Republican governor.

Broadly speaking, Republican politicians seldom show the level of interest in supporting renewable energy that Democrats do either at the state or national level, and show even less inclination to act to address greenhouse gas emissions. In fact, the 100% clean energy mandates that are being implemented in four states and Washington D.C. have only passed with Democratic trifectas, in other words with Republicans controlling neither house of the state legislature nor the governor’s office. (Note: This does not apply to Puerto Rico, which has a different party structure to the rest of the United States)

However, South Carolina shows there are Republican politicians who will support pro-renewable energy policies, and circumstances under which Republican majorities will vote for legislation that aids the adoption of solar. And these specific circumstances speak to both different priorities and ideological differences between the two parties.

SEIA’s Maggie Clark emphasizes that the Energy Freedom Act was about reforming market rules. “This was a way to provide a program that did not provide subsidies or incentives in any way, but to really open the market to competition,” explains Clark. “I think that appealing to conservatives in the South about energy independence and resiliency and ultimately cost savings is the winning message on this issue.”

Such messaging in South Carolina is not an accident. Not only has such messaging been successful in the past, but coalition partner Vote Solar paid for polling to find what messages resounded with the state’s voters, and found that choice and competition were likely to resound.

And all of this happened in the context of what Clark describes as an “extremely well-resourced effort”, with SEIA in particular dedicating national attention and resources to the state – as part of an effort by President and CEO Abigail Hopper to shift attention more towards state-level policy. Maggie Clark is one of two new regional staff who Hopper has hired, and SEIA’s first staff member focused on Southern states.

“Absolutely the South is a prioritized region,” Hopper told pv magazine, noting that three Southern states – the Carolinas and Florida – are among the 12 states that the organization has identified to work on this year. “It became clear that as a region it needed more attention.”

SEIA is not expecting fly-by-night victories, and Hopper attributes the success in South Carolina not only to a broad coalition, but to years of work on the ground in the state.

Nor is SEIA the only organization to grow its presence in the region. Vote Solar now has two full time staff located in the South, whereas two years ago its sole staff member dedicated to the region was located in Washington D.C.

 

Ideology versus reality in the South

The Energy Freedom Act aligns with conservative ideas about small government and competition, but the American right is not monolithic, nor do political ideas and actions always line up neatly, as other successful policies in other states in the region show

By far the largest deployment of renewable energy in the nation has been in Texas, aside from in California which leads overall. Here a system of renewable energy zones in the sparsely populated but windy and sunny west, north and center of the state feed cities to the east with power from wind and more recently solar.

This was enabled by transmission lines whose cost was socialized among the state’s ratepayers – a tremendous irony given that the state’s politicians would be some of the last in the nation to want to be identified with socializing anything.

Another example is Louisiana, which saw a healthy residential solar market over the last decade due to a 50% state rebate. The policy has expired, but when operating it was exactly the sort of outright subsidy that right-wing media and politicians rail against.

Of course there is also North Carolina, which built the 2nd-largest solar market in the nation on the back of successful state-level implementation of PURPA, a federal law. Finally there is Virginia, where large-scale projects are booming following a 2018 law that found that 5 GW of solar is in the public interest.

Furthermore, while conservatives continually expound the virtues of the free market, the reality of the electricity sector in the “deep red” South is anything but that. The region missed out on the wave of deregulation in the 1990s, and remains dominated by monopoly utilities regulated by the state: a union of big business and big government where competition is non-existent.

This has also meant that the solar which has been deployed in the South is mostly not the kind of rooftop solar that many think of as embodying energy independence, but rather large-scale solar built in farms, fields and forests.

 

Where to from here?

With such contradictions between stated ideology and practice, it is less clear what makes for successful renewable energy policy in the South. However, opening up markets appears to be working not only in South Carolina, but also in Florida, where third-party solar companies are making inroads after the state’s voters rejected a well-funded and duplicitous utilities’ campaign to kill distributed solar.

SEIA’s Hopper says that she is “aggressively optimistic” about solar in Florida. As utilities have dominated large-solar deployment in the state, even as the state declined federal solar incentives earlier this year, she says that she sees opening up the state’s booming utility-scale solar market to competition as a priority.

Some parts of the region may be harder than others, and it is notable that SEIA has not had as much to say about Alabama, Mississippi or Louisiana, which are largely controlled by utility giants Southern Company and Entergy, or the area under the thumb of the Tennessee Valley Authority, one of the most anti-solar entities in the power sector.

Abby Hopper says ultimately, demand from customers – both individuals and corporations – is the key to transforming policy. “You replicate these victories by customer demand,” Hopper told pv magazine. “That combination of voices from the customer are what’s going to drive change.”

 

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Maritime Electric team works on cleanup in Turks and Caicos

Maritime Electric Hurricane Irma Response details utility crews aiding Turks and Caicos with power restoration, storm recovery, debris removal, and essential services, coordinated with Fortis Inc., despite limited equipment, heat, and over 1,000 downed poles.

 

Key Points

A utility mission restoring power and essential services in Turks and Caicos after Irma, led by Maritime Electric.

✅ Over 1,000 poles down; crews climbing without bucket trucks

✅ Restoring hospitals, water, and communications first

✅ Fortis Inc. coordination; 2-3 week deployment with follow-on crews

 

Maritime Electric has sent a crew to help in the clean up and power restoration of Turks and Caicos after the Caribbean island was hit by Hurricane Irma, a storm that also saw FPL's massive response across Florida.

They arrived earlier this week and are working on removing debris and equipment so when supplies arrive, power can be brought back online, and similar mutual aid deployments, including Canadian crews to Florida, have been underway as well.

Fortis Inc., the parent company for Maritime Electric operates a utility in Turks and Caicos.

Kim Griffin, spokesperson for Maritime Electric, said there are over 1000 poles that were brought down by the storm, mirroring Florida restoration timelines reported elsewhere.

"It's really an intense storm recovery," she said. 'Good spirits'

The crew is working with less heavy equipment than they are used to, climbing poles instead of using bucket trucks, in hot and humid weather.

Griffin said their focus is getting essential services restored as quckly as possible, similar to progress in Puerto Rico's restoration efforts following recent hurricanes.

The crew will be there for two or three weeks and Griffin said Maritime Electric may send another group, as seen with Ontario's deployment to Florida, to continue the job.

She said the team has been well received and is in "good spirits."

"The people around them have been very positive that they're there," she said.

"They've said it's just been overwhelming how kind and generous the people have been to them."

 

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Senate Committee Advised by WIRES Counsel That Electric Transmission Still Faces Barriers to Development

U.S. Transmission Grid Modernization underscores FERC policy certainty, high-voltage infrastructure upgrades, renewables integration, electrification, and grid resilience to cut congestion and enable distributed energy resources, safeguarding against extreme weather, cyber threats, and market volatility.

 

Key Points

A plan to expand, upgrade, and secure high-voltage networks for renewables integration, electrification, reliability.

✅ Replace aging lines to cut congestion and customer costs

✅ Integrate renewables and distributed energy resources at scale

✅ Enhance resilience to weather, cyber, and physical threats

 

Today, in a high-visibility hearing on U.S. energy delivery infrastructure before the United States Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, WIRES Executive Director and Former FERC Chairman Jim Hoecker addressed the challenges and opportunities that confront the modern high-voltage grid as the industry strives to upgrade and expand it to meet the demands of consumers and the economy.

In prepared testimony and responses to Senators' questions, Hoecker urged the Committee to support industry efforts to expand and upgrade the transmission network and to help regulators, especially the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC action on aggregated DERs), promote certainty and predictability in energy policy and regulation. 

 

His testimony stressed these points:

Significant transmission investment is needed now to replace aging infrastructure like the aging grid risks to clean energy, reduce congestion costs, and deliver widespread benefits to customers.

Increasingly, the role of the transmission grid is to integrate new distributed resources and renewable energy into the electric system and make them available to the market.

The changing electric generation mix, including needed nuclear innovation, and the coming electrification of transportation, heating, and other segments of the American economy in the next quarter century will depend on a strong and adaptable electric system. A robust transmission grid will be the linchpin that will enable us to meet those demands.

"Transmission is the common element that will support all future electricity needs and provide a hedge against uncertainties and potential costly outcomes. The time is now to be proactive in encouraging additional investments in our nation's most crucial infrastructure: the electric transmission system," Hoecker said. 

Hoecker's testimony also emphasized that transmission investment will contribute to the overall resilience of the electric system by bringing multiple resources and technologies to bear on threats to the power system, including extreme weather and proposals like a wildfire-resilient grid bill, cyber or physical attacks, or other events. Visit WIRES website for recently filed comments on the subject (supported by a Brattle Group study). 

"Transmission gives us the optionality to adapt to whatever the future holds, and a modern and resilient transmission system, informed by Texas reliability improvements, will be the most valuable energy asset we have," says Nina Plaushin, president of WIRES and vice president of federal affairs, regulatory and communications for ITC Holdings Corp. 

Hoecker closed his testimony by emphasizing that the "electrification" scenario that is being discussed across multiple industries demands action now in order to ensure policy and regulatory certainty that will support needed transmission investment. More studies need to be conducted to better understand and define how this delivery network must be configured and planned in anticipation of this potential transformation in how we use electrical energy. A full copy of the WIRES testimony can be found here.

 

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Sycamore Energy taking Manitoba Hydro to court, alleging it 'badly mismanaged' Solar Energy Program

Sycamore Energy Manitoba Hydro Lawsuit centers on alleged mismanagement of the solar rebate incentive program, project delays, inspection backlogs, and alleged customer interference, impacting renewable energy installations, contractors, and clean power investment across Manitoba.

 

Key Points

Claim alleging mismanagement of Manitoba's solar rebate, delays, and inducing customers to switch installers.

✅ Lawsuit alleges mismanaged solar rebate incentive program

✅ Delays in inspections left hundreds of projects incomplete

✅ Claims Hydro urged customers to switch installers for rebates

 

Sycamore Energy filed a statement of claim Monday in Manitoba Court of Queens Bench against Manitoba Hydro saying it badly mismanaged its Solar Energy Program, a dispute that comes as Canada's solar progress faces criticism nationwide.

The claim also noted the crown corporation caused significant financial and reputational damage to Sycamore Energy, echoing disputes like Ontario wind cancellation costs seen elsewhere.

The statement of claim says Manitoba Hydro was telling customers to find other companies to complete solar panel installations, even as Nova Scotia's solar charge debate has unfolded.

'I'm still waiting': dozens of Manitoba solar system installations in the queue under expired incentive program
This all comes after a pilot project was launched in the province in April 2016, which would allow people to apply for a rebate under the incentive program, while Saskatchewan adjusted solar credits in parallel, and the project would cover about 25 per cent of the installation costs.

The project ended in April 2018, but hundreds of approved projects had yet to be finished.

According to Manitoba Hydro, in November there were 252 approved projects awaiting completion by more than one contractor, and Sycamore Energy said it had about 100 of those projects, a dynamic seen as New England's solar growth strains grid upgrades in other regions.

At the time Sycamore Energy COO, Alex Stuart, blamed Manitoba Hydro for the delays, stating it took too long to get inspections after solar systems were installed.

Scott Powell, Manitoba Hydro’s director of corporate communications, said in November he disagreed with Sycamore Energy’s comments, even as Ontario moves to reintroduce renewables elsewhere.

In a news release, the company said it sold more installations under Manitoba Hydro’s Solar Energy Program compared to other companies and it was instrumental in helping set up standards for the program.

“Manitoba Hydro mismanaged the solar rebate program from the beginning. In the end, they targeted our company unfairly and unlawfully by inducing our customers to break their contracts with us. Manitoba Hydro told our customers they could get an extension to their rebate but only if they switched to different installers,” said Justin Phillips, CEO of Sycamore Energy in a news release.

“We would much rather be installing clean, effective solar power projects for our customers right now. The last thing we want to do is to be suing Manitoba Hydro, but we feel we have no choice. Their actions have cost us millions in lost business. They’ve also cost the province jobs, millions in private investment and a positive way forward to help combat climate change.”

Manitoba Hydro now has 20 days to respond to the action, and a recent Cornwall wind-farm ruling underscores the stakes.

When asked for a response from CTV News, a spokesperson for the Crown corporation said it hadn’t yet been made aware of the suit.

“If a statement of claim is filed and served, we’ll file a statement of defence in due course. As this matter is now apparently before the courts, we have no further comment,” the spokesperson said.

None of these allegations have been proven in court.

 

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